Hierarchical Complexity Scoring System (HCSS)
How to Score Anything1
Michael Lamport Commons, Harvard
Medical School; Patrice Marie Miller, Harvard Medical School; Eric Andrew
Goodheart, Harvard University; Dorothy Danaher-Gilpin
Commons, M. L., Miller, P. M.,
Goodheart, E. A., & Danaher-Gilpin, D. (2005). Hierarchical Complexity Scoring System
(HCSS): How to Score Anything. Unpublished Scoring Manual Available from
Dare Institute, Commons@tiac.net
© 1991-2005 Dare Association,
Inc. Cambridge, MA 02138
Abstract
The Model of Hierarchical Complexity presents a
framework for scoring reasoning stages in any domain as well as in any cross
cultural setting. The scoring is based
not upon the content or the participant material, but instead on the
mathematical complexity of hierarchical organization of information. The
participant’s performance on a task of a given complexity represents the stage
of developmental complexity. This paper presents an elaboration of the concepts
underlying the Model of Hierarchical Complexity (MHC), the description of the
stages, steps involved in universal stage transition, as well as examples of
several scoring samples using the MHC as a scoring aid.
Introduction
The Basis of Scoring Performance and Constructing
Tasks: The Issues
The
assessment of stage of development would seem like a straight forward
task. One might look at the resposes to
questions and place them into categories.
Likewise one might construct questions to obtain responses that succeed
or fail in addressing that item. But the
issue is not so simple. These previous
ways have led to great difficulties and endless controversies.
There are
three prerequisites. First, one needs to
understand the difference among experience, appearance, and reality. Second, one needs to understand the
difference among Analysis, Phenomenology and Empiricism. And third and last is to understand the
difference between independent and dependent variables as set forth by
Aristotle and modified by Descartes into stimulus and response.
History
The
following is adapted from It is
important that any "stage" theory and the accompanying scoring scheme have a mathematically and logically
developed basis. The Greek philosopher
and scientist, Edger Brown (2004). Thales (640 - 546) of Miletus, who had knowledge of
Egyptian geometry and Babylonian astronomy, is credited with founding
mathematics as a deductive science, that is, organizing mathematics around
demonstrating by logical arguments the correctness of one’s assertions and
calculations.
But if one
does not understand the difference between the ideal and the real one can get
into trouble. The failure of the
Pythagorean school rested with its need to make its assertions absolute. How could one conduct science or have
knowledge in general without the possibility that this knowledge corresponds
with reality? Plato handled this problem
by rejecting the correspondence account of truth. We cannot ever know the truth in its complete
and pure form. Anything we can say about
reality is only a likely story of the ideal truth. Here the ideal truth is the mathematical
forms.
We know
that an essential element of science is direct observation and interaction with the world. But, Plato set forth a very different
doctrine, to the effect that knowledge cannot be derived from the senses; real
knowledge only
has to do with concepts. The senses only deceive us;
hence we should, in acquiring knowledge, ignore sense impressions and develop
reason.
Aristotle
(384-322), in codifying logical reasoning, set down rules of inference and
recognized the importance of axioms for logic, postulates for the subject at
hand, definitions of terms and the importance of giving logical arguments
starting with the postulates. The model
of hierarchical complexity follows in that tradition. Combining of Aristotle's
precise formulation of logic with Thales' method, the main elements of modern
science were then in place
The Model
of Hierarchical Complexity on which scoring and problem construction is based,
is a mathematical theory of the ideal.
It is a perfect form as Plato would have described. It is like a circle. Once one draws it, it is no longer
perfect. The lines have width, it is not
perfect. If can be be perfectly round.
Events
Scientific
accounts of behavior are built out of both analytical and empirical accounts of
events. One problem that continually
arises is what perturbations to consider as existing, or in other words, what
constitutes an event. There only seems
to be one necessary restriction on saying that something exists. The restriction is rather weak compared to
those required by operationalism but strong with respect to intuitionism and
phenomenonology. With the quantitative
behavioral developmental theory that follows, we have to consider events as the
basis. This notion is less restrictive
than behaviorists' notions of stimuli and responses and so allows the theory to
consider events that may not be clearly stimuli or responses. On the other hand, we do not want to make the
mistake of Piagetians that thoughts,
"schema," and verbalizations that belong to mental structures are the
only causes of actions.
How do we
know that something is an event? Events
are potentially detectable perturbations.
Perturbations are classed as events when they achieve some potential to
be observed, witnessed, and in some way distinguished from the remaining noise
by two independent paths of detection.
The term event is used here to include all such perturbations, both
public and private. The notion of paths
of detection is not deniable or reducible lest we get into an infinite
regress. These paths do not require
direct observation. Note also that more
experiencers or more experiences do not count as more independent paths.
Potential
events may be inferred as long as there are two distinct paths leading to that
inference, such as the case with electrons. Electrons may be detected through a
multitude of paths by which inferences as to the existence of an "electron
event" can be made. One can measure
the magnetic moment of a single electron moving along a path in a magnetic
field, the electric charge in an electric field, or the ionizing potential in a
liquid hydrogen bubble chamber. There
are numerous other ways of detecting the electron.
The reason
two paths are required for events is because one path alone could mean that the
perturbation could serve as its own causal explanation of itself. Some perturbations are deemed as having the
status of being only singly detectable by one path. For example, if someone reports that the
president is talking to them, there is one path, their report. They do not have a radio, telephone or any
other such device and the president is nowhere close by. One other path is necessary to confirm that
the president is actually talking to them and they are not reporting a
hallucination. Behaviors and causes
detected from a personal experience alone have this character. Robert Stickgold (personal communication,
1999) has shown that people think that of what they think, see, and dream as
"real" while thinking, seeing and dreaming. The status of events and perturbations is
even more complex when activity is not potentially observable, as is with
gyrations of the soul or will. These
perturbations may be studied in theological and theosophical terms ( Lowenthal, 1989).
The best we can do within science is to discuss the report of these
perturbations as data to be explained or refer to these perturbations in
metaphorical terms.
Behavioral
constructs (such as stimuli, behaviors, or consequences) are events. In the case of a verbal report, an observer
may hear it. A microphone and meter will
show it. There is a difference between the appearance of a perceived event and
the actual event. Perceptual activity
can transform events. Illusions refer to
those instances where people report the appearance of stimuli in ways that
distort the physical properties of the objects or events. Let us say one was looking at a color patch
and the person said, "I see the color brown." But the color brown has
no unique
Three Ways of Knowing about Development
With the
definitions of perturbations and events, it is possible to show what are the
minimum conditions necessary for having a quantitative behavioral developmental
theory. One needs to recognize the
different ways in which we might know and understand development. The argument is very simple. There are three
ways of knowing:
Three Ways of Knowing about Development
With the
definitions of perturbations and events, it is possible to show what are the
minimum conditions necessary for having a quantitative behavioral developmental
theory. One needs to recognize the
different ways in which we might know and understand development. The argument is very simple. There are three
ways of knowing as shown in Table 1.
Knowledge is treated in a much more complex manner in philosophy. Here, the number of paths needed for
detecting a perturbation is associated with the field and methodology that
claims knowledge.
Table 1
Ways of Knowing
Ways of Knowing |
Example of Fields Utilizing These Ways of Knowing |
Number of Paths of Detections of Perturbations |
1. Analytic: Proved material always true no matter
what "data" or "experience" shows |
Mathematics, Logic, Parts of Philosophy |
No paths of detections of perturbations |
2.
Phenomenological: Experienced material a property of organisms and
sometimes organisms interacting with environments. |
Religion, Law, Art, Literature, Dance and Music |
One independent path of detection. This means that
if one observes an action and hypothesizes a cause, such as free will, then
the putative cause may represent one path of detection. Detecting the behavior, however, does not
prove that the hypothetical "causal" event is an actual event. If only one path is available, that is, if
only one effect can be detected–that is the experience (and its report),
there is no way to determine the cause of that experience. The experience is sometimes erroneously
said to "cause itself." |
3. Empirical:
Resultant material from investigations moves scientific towards the truth. |
Science, History |
Two independent paths. An event can be said to be real in a
scientific sense if and only if it is detectable by two independent
paths. An independent second path for
detecting the hypothesized causal event must be found. |
There can
be combinations such as 1 and 3, which define most of science. Problems arise with combinations of 2 with 1
(Folk Psychology of Aristotle), 2 with 3 (current mixes of experimental and
phenomenonological accounts of free will such as Libet's,
1985). These can lead to various
dangerous policies and practices. That
does not mean that 2 is not prized for itself.
It is.
There were three further developments necessary
The first,
we are familiar with. Copernicus (1530) showed that the sun is the center
of the solar system. He used mathematics
to represent the orbits of the planets.
In some sense, this was the first mathematical model. Second, modern thinking about the brain and
behavior began with the French philosopher René Descartes (1596-1650). According to Descartes (1637), all action is a response to an
event. He thereby introduced the notion
of the stimulus and the response.
Descartes suggested that 'animal spirits' flowing through the nerves of
animals or humans served a similar function in automatic behavioral responses
in man and animals or reflexes. The term
'reflex' is derived from the notion that the flow of animal spirits produced by
a stimulus is somehow reflected by the brain into an outgoing flow which
eventually produces some behavior. G. T. His establishment of
psychophysics through his publication of Elements of Psychophysics in
1860. He showed introduced the
psychophysical scale and showed how to relate psychological variable to
stimulus ones. This is exactly what the
model of Hierarchical Complexity does.
It relates stage of performance to the order of hierarchical complexity
of tasks. Lastly, in the early 1960,
Krantz, Luce, Suppes, and Tversky (
Fechner (1860) laid the basis for the application of the experimental method to
psychology. Krantz, Luce, Suppes, and Tversky, 1971); Suppes, Krantz, Luce & Tversky,
1989); It is the basis for the model of hierarchical
complexity.
Tasks
One major
basis for this developmental theory is task analysis. The study of ideal tasks, including their
instantiation in the real world, has been the basis of the branch of stimulus
control called Psychophysics. Tasks are
defined as sequences of contingencies, each presenting stimuli and requiring a
behavior or a sequence of behaviors that must occur in some non-arbitrary
fashion. Properties of tasks (usually
the stimuli) are varied and responses to them measured and analyzed. In the present use of task analysis, the
complexity of behaviors necessary to complete a task can be specified using the
complexity definitions described next.
One examines behavior with respect to the analytically known complexity
of the task.
History of Stage Scoring
Ever since
the introduction of the idea that development proceeds in discrete stages,
scientists have argued over the framework for defining and analyzing such
stages. Many models were presented to
conceptualize development, including the mentalistic theory of Jean Though Piaget’s theory did not define all
stages precisely, it clearly established that there is one invariant pathway
along which stage development proceeds irrespective of content or culture (
Piaget (1954), a pioneer in the field of developmental psychology. Other developmental
models followed Piaget’s, and each usually focused on development within a
particular domain of information. As more content-oriented models were
introduced, the “theme of uniqueness [of each model] was increasingly dropping
out” (
Piaget, 1976). Because the
varying informational frameworks of different domains have often concealed the
common underlying process of stage development, standardization of research
methods has been difficult to achieve.
Nevertheless, researchers soon recognized the need for a broadly
applicable model of developmental assessment that is necessary in order not
only to better conceptualize the patterns and themes of development, but also
to conduct comparable cross-cultural studies.
Model of Hierarchical Complexity
The Model
of Hierarchical Complexity (MHC) developed by Commons ( This
model is based on a theory of General Stage development ( Commons, Trudeau, Stein,
Richards, & Krause, 1998) offers a standard method of examining the
universal pattern of development. The MHC states that all stages are hard
distinct stages varying only in the degrees of hierarchical complexity. To
counter the possible objection of arbitrariness in such an inclusive and
uniform definition of stages, the MHC stage orders are grounded in the
hierarchical complexity criteria of mathematical models ( Commons & Richards, 1984a, 1984b). Coombs, Dawes, & Tversky, 1970), and
information science ( Commons & Richards, 1984a, 1984b; Lindsay & Norman, 1977; The Model of Hierarchical Complexity is not
based on the assessment of domain specific information, but instead on the
analysis of the complexity of the participant’s attempted solution to a task of
a specific complexity. That is, the
participant’s successful performance on a task of a given order of complexity
represents the stage of development achieved by that participant. The stage
score is derived from the evaluation of performances on tasks.
The MHC has
a broad range of applicability. The mathematical foundation of the model makes
it an excellent research tool to be used by anyone examining performance that
is organized into stages. It is designed
simply to assess development based on the level of complexity which the
individual utilizes to organize information. The MHC offers a singular
mathematical method of measuring stages in any domain because the tasks
presented can contain any kind of information. The model thus allows for a
standard quantitative analysis of developmental complexity in any cultural
setting. Other advantages of this model include its avoidance of mentalistic or
contextual explanations, as well as its use of purely quantitative principles
which are universally applicable in any context. Cross-cultural
developmentalists and animal developmentalists; evolutionary psychologists,
organizational psychologists, and developmental political psychologists;
learning theorists, perception researchers, and history of science historians;
as well as educators, therapists, and anthropologists can use the MHC to
quantitatively assess developmental stages.
The MHC and Skill Theory have ordered problem-solving
tasks of various kinds, including:
Social perspective-taking ( Informed consent ( Attachment and Loss ( Commons, 1991; Workplace organization ( Workplace culture ( Political development ( Leadership before and after crises ( Honesty and Kindness ( Relationships ( Good Work ( Good Education ( Good interpersonal ( Views of the “good life” (Armon, 1984c; Danaher,
1993; Dawson, 2000;
Evaluative reasoning ( Epistemology ( Kitchener & King, 1990; Kitchener & Fischer, 1990) Moral Judgment ( Armon & Dawson, 1997; |
Language stages ( Writing ( Algebra (Commons, in preparation) Music (Beethoven) ( Physics tasks ( Four Story problem ( Commons, Richards & Kuhn, 1982; Balance beam and pendulum ( Spirituality ( Atheism (Nicholas Commons-Miller, in preparation) Animal stages ( Contingencies of reinforcement (Commons, in
preparation) Hominid Empathy ( Hominid Tools Making ( Counselor stages ( Loevinger’s Sentence Completion task ( Informed consent ( Report patient’s prior crimes ( Orienteering ( |
Most of the
earlier scoring schemes have not presented ways of assessing to what extent the
quality of a participant’s performance on a task should influence the stage
score independent of the content of the participant’s discussion. To remedy
this problem, the MHC presents a framework that quantifies the order of
hierarchical complexity of a task based on mathematical principles of how the
information is organized, not what information is presented. The hierarchical
complexity of a task to be solved is determined by the mathematical analysis of
task demands. The order of performance
on the task, or the stage, is also derived by analyzing the mathematical
complexity of successful performance, not merely by observing what the
participant does or says. The scores of the MHC indicate the stage achieved by
the participant as indicated by his ability to successfully meet task demands
of varying degrees of complexity. Results are not subjectively weighted based
on the considerations of culture or the environment.
Hierarchical
complexity refers to the mathematical complexity of the task presented to the
participant, but not directly to the complexity of the participant’s
performance that will successfully complete the given task. Every task contains a multitude of subtasks ( When the subtasks are
carried out by the participant in a required order, the task in question is
successfully completed. Therefore, the model asserts that all tasks fit in some
sequence of tasks, making it possible to precisely determine the hierarchical
order of task complexity. Tasks vary in
complexity in two ways: either as horizontal (involving classical
information); or as vertical (involving hierarchical information).
Horizontal (Classical Information) Complexity
Classical
information describes the number of “yes-no” questions it takes to do a
task. For example, if one asked a person
across the room whether a penny came up heads when they flipped it, their
saying “heads” would transmit 1 bit of “horizontal” information. If there were 2 pennies, one would have to
ask at least two questions, one about each penny. Hence, each additional 1-bit question would
add another bit. Let us say they had a
four-faced top with the faces numbered 1, 2, 3, or 4. Instead of spinning it, they tossed it
against a backboard as one does with dice in a game. Again, there would be 2 bits. One could ask them whether the face had an
even number. If it did, one would then
ask if it were a 2. Horizontal complexity,
then, is the sum of bits required by just such tasks as this.
Vertical (Hierarchical) Complexity
Specifically,
hierarchical complexity refers to the number of recursions that the
co-ordinating actions must perform on a set of primary elements. Actions at a higher order of hierarchical
complexity: a) are defined in terms of actions at the next lower order
of hierarchical complexity; b) organize and transform the
lower-order actions; c) produce organizations of lower-order actions that are
new and not arbitrary, and cannot
be accomplished by those lower-order actions alone. Once these conditions have been met, we say
the higher-order action co-ordinates the actions of the next lower
order. Stage of performance is
defined as the highest-order hierarchical complexity of the task solved. Using Rasch (1980) analysis,
The
nonarbitrary organization of several lower order actions constitutes one action
of a higher order of complexity. For
example, completing the entire operation 3 x (4 + 1) constitutes a task
requiring the distributive act. That act
non-arbitrarily orders adding and multiplying to coordinate them. The distributive act is therefore one order
more hierarchically complex than the acts of adding and multiplying alone and
it indicates the singular proper sequence of the simpler actions. Although someone who simply adds can arrive
at the same answer, people who can do both display a greater freedom of mental
functioning. Therefore, the order of
complexity of the task is determined through analyzing the demands of each task
by breaking it down into its constituent parts. the hierarchical complexity of
any complex task is thus mathematically determined The participant is scored at
the stage this complexity when he successfully completes the task using the
integrated approach of coordinated combination of lower order actions.
The
hierarchical complexity of a task refers to the number of concatenation
operations it contains. An order-three task has three concatenations
operations. A task of order three operates on a task of order two and a task of
order two operates on a task of order one (a simple task).
Tasks are
also quantal in nature. They are either
completed correctly or not completed at all.
There is no intermediate state. For this reason, the General Stage Model
characterizes all stages as hard and distinct.
The orders of hierarchical complexity are stepped like the rings around
the nucleus. Each task difficulty has an
order of hierarchical complexity required to complete it correctly. Once again, since tasks of a given order of
hierarchical complexity require actions of a given order of hierarchical
complexity, the stage of the participant’s performance is equivalent to the
order of complexity of the successfully completed task. The quantal feature of tasks is thus
particularly instrumental in stage assessment because the scores obtained for
stages are likewise discrete.
Hierarchical
complexity of actions refers to the number of recursions that the coordinating
actions must perform on a set of primary elements. Like tasks, actions at a
higher order of hierarchical complexity:
1) are defined in terms of the actions at the
next lower order of hierarchical complexity;
2) organize and transform the lower order
actions;
3) produce organizations of lower order actions
that are new and not arbitrary, and cannot be accomplished by those lower order
actions alone.
The
hierarchical complexity of tasks and the actions they require to be
successfully completed provide the mathematical foundation for deriving scores
for stages of reasoning. The MHC,
however, does not dismiss the influences of the environment on one’s reasoning
stage development, it simply does not quantify contextual variables during the
scoring process as do other scoring manuals which are designed to measure
stages in a particular domain of information and may give more weight to the
overall score if particular issues are addressed by participants, regardless of
the manner in which the references are made.
Stages
The notion
of stages is fundamental in the description of human, organismic, and machine
evolution. Previously it has been
defined in some ad hoc ways; here we describe it formally in terms of the model
of hierarchical complexity. Given a collection of actions A and a participant S performing A, the stage of performance of S
on A is the highest order of
the actions in A
completed successfully, i.e., it is
stage(S,
A) = max {h(A) | A ∈
A and A completed
successfully by S}.
Thus, the notion of stage is discontinuous, having the
same gaps as the orders of hierarchical complexity. This is in agreement with previous
definitions (Commons et al, 1998; Commons & Miller, 2001, Commons &
Pekker, submitted).
Relationship between Piaget and Commons notions
There are
some common elements between Piaget and Commons notions of stage and many more
that are different. In both one finds:
1. Higher order actions defined in terms of
lower order actions
This
forces the hierarchical nature of the relations and makes the higher order
tasks include the lower ones
2. Higher order of complexity actions organize
those lower order actions
This
makes them more powerful
What Commons et al have added includes:
3. Higher order
of complexity actions organize those lower order actions in an non-arbitrary
way
This
makes it possible for the organization to meet real world requirements,
including the empirical and analytic
4. Task and performance are separated
5. All tasks have an order of hierarchical
complexity
6. There is only one sequence of orders of hierarchical
complexity.
Hence,
there is structure of the whole for ideal task actions
7. All orders of hierarchical complexity are
equally spaced
8. There are gaps between the orders of
hierarchical complexity
9. Stage is most hierarchically complex task
solved.
10. There
are gaps in Rasch Scaled Stage of Performance
11. Rasch
Scaled Stage of Performance are also equally spaced
12.
Performance stage is different task area to task area
There
is no structure of the whole – horizontal decaláge for performance.
It
is not inconsistency in thinking within a developmental stage.
Decaláge
is the normal modal state of affairs
Stages of Development
The MHC
specifies 14 order of hierarchical complexity and their corresponding stages,
showing that each of Piaget’s substages, in fact, are hard stages. Commons also adds three postformal stages.
The sequence is as follows: (0) computory, (1) sensory & motor, (2)
circular sensory-motor, (3) sensory-motor, (4) nominal, (5) sentential, (6)
preoperational, (7) primary, (8) concrete, (9) abstract, (10) formal, (11)
systematic, (12) metasystematic, (13) paradigmatic, and (14)
cross-paradigmatic. The first four
stages (0-3) correspond to Piaget’s sensorimotor stage at which infants and
very young children perform. The
sentential stage was added at Fischer’s suggestion. Adolescents and adults can perform at any of
the subsequent stages. MHC stages 4-6
correspond to Piaget’s pre-operational
stage; 6-8 correspond to his concrete operational stage; and 9-11 correspond to
his formal operational stage. The three
highest stages in the MHC are not represented in Piaget’s model. Because MHC stages are conceptualized in
terms of the hierarchical complexity of tasks rather than in terms of mental
representations (as are Piaget’s stages), the highest stage represents
successful performances on the most hierarchically complex tasks rather than
intellectual maturity.
Stages 0-5
normally develop during infancy and early childhood in people.
At the
calculatory stage (0), machines can do simple arithmetic on 0s and 1s.
At the
sensory and motor stage (1), infants may see or touch shapes, make generalized
discriminations, as well as babbling vocalizations.
At the
circular sensory and motor stage (2), reaching and grasping actions
occurs. These actions generate simple
gestures.
At the
sensory-motor stage (3), the actions become associated with vocalizations. For instance, an infant may hold up an object
and make sounds while doing so.
At the
nominal stage (4), first single words are formed. These words such as “cup” or “water” relate
concepts to others.
At the
sentential stage (5), toddlers form short sentences and phrases. The use pronouns, and say numbers and letters
in order as well. Sentences might be “want
water,” “cup of water,” etc.
At the
preoperational stage (6), these sentences are organized into paragraph long
utterances.
At the
primary stage (7), these paragraph long utterances are organized into stories
which may be matched to reality.
At the
concrete stage (8), two primary stage operations may be co-ordinated. For example, children think that a deal is
fair after looking at from the perspective of simple outcomes for each person
who is entering the deal. Negotiations
make sense but there are not social norms for setting prices or values.
At the
abstract stage (9), variables, stereotypes, personalities, traits, etc are
introduced. Quantification words like “everyone
in my group,” What would other’s think?” appear. The dimensionalized qualities may be used to
express preferences.
At the
formal operational stage (10), discussions are logical and empirical support is
logical brought. Words like “if ...then,”
“in every case, it turned out the same,” “the reasons were” occur.
Few
individuals perform at stages above formal operations. More complex behaviors
characterize multiple system models ( Kallio, 1995;
Some adults are said to develop alternative to, and perspectives on,
formal operations. They use formal operations within a “higher” system of
operations and transcend the limitations of formal operations. In any case,
these are all ways in which these theories argue and present converging
evidence that adults are using forms of reasoning that are move complex than
formal operations.
At the systematic
stage (11), the new concepts are referred to as 3rd order abstractions. These
coordinate elements of abstract systems. Words like bureaucratic,
capitalist, functional, and structural are common. The systematic stage concept, structure,
for example, can be employed to ask whether the structure of camp helps instill
the qualities we want in future citizens. The logical structure of this stage
coordinates multiple aspects of two or more abstractions, as in: “relationships
are built on trust and though we can’t always keep them, making promises is one
way we build trust, so it’s generally better to make promises than not to make
them.” Here, the importance of trust to
relationships, building trust, and the possibility that promises can be
broken, are all taken into account while
formulating the conclusion that promises are desirable.
At the
metasystematic stage (12), the new concepts are referred to as 1st order
principles. These coordinate formal systems. Words like autonomy,
parallelism, heteronomy, and proportionality are common. The metasystematic stage concept
of parallelism, for example, can be employed to compare the structures
of the military and of camp as institutions. The logical structure of this
stage identifies one aspect of a principle or an axiom that coordinates several
systems, as in: “contracts and promises are articulations of a unique human
quality, mutual trust, which coordinates human relations.” Here, contracts and
promises are seen as the instantiation of a broader principle coordinating
human interactions.
At the
paradigmatic stage (13), people create new fields out of multiple
metasystems. The objects of paradigmatic
acts are metasystems. When there are
metasystems that are incomplete and adding to them would create inconsistences,
quite often a new paradigm is developed.
Usually, the paradigm develops out of a recognition of a poorly
understood phenomenon. The actions in
paradigmatic thought form new paradigms from supersystems (metasystems).
Paradigmatic
actions often affect fields of knowledge that appear unrelated to the original
field of the thinkers. Individuals reasoning at the paradigmatic order have to
see the relationship between very large and often disparate bodies of
knowledge, and co-ordinate the metasystematic supersystems. Paradigmatic action requires a tremendous
degree of decentration. One has to
transcend tradition and recognize one's actions as distinct and possible troubling
to those in one's environment. But at
the same time one has to understand that the laws of nature operate both on
oneself and one’s environment—a unity.
This suggests that learning in one realm can be generalized to others.
At the
cross-paradigmatic, paradigms and coordinated.
This is the fourth postformal stage.
Cross-paradigmatic actions integrate paradigms into a new field or
profoundly transform an old one. A field
contains more than one paradigm and cannot be reduced to a single
paradigm. One might ask whether all
interdisciplinary studies are therefore cross-paradigmatic? Is psycho biology cross-paradigmatic? The answer to both questions is ‘no’. Such interdisciplinary studies might create
new paradigms, such as psychophysics, but not new fields.
This order
has not been examined in much detail because there are very few people who can
solve tasks of this complexity. It may
also take a certain amount of time and perspective to realize that behavior or
findings were cross-paradigmatic. All
that can be done at this time is to identify and analyze historical examples.
Several
tables are provided to help the reader better understand the concepts of stages
as defined by the MHC. Tables 1, 4a, and 4b present the definitions of stages
with examples of task demands of respective complexities. Table 1 particularly
explains how behavior may form classes and how stimuli may be place into
classes both functionally and analytically.
This table gives examples of behaviors as they may be observed, and each
stage behaviors is also broken down into substeps, showing the organizing
functions of varying complexities. Table
1 is especially useful for scoring behaviors up to stage 12.
Table 2
provides examples of the kinds of vocal remarks made by various family members
performing at specified stages. This table is a particularly useful tool for
evaluating stages among related individuals which may be helpful in studies
examining development and controlling for hereditary factors. In addition, in
many developing nations families tend to play particularly important roles in
lives of individuals, and increases in complexity might be particularly evident
if the content of the assessment deals with topic of family. Family affairs constitute a practical source
of universally relevant content that could be used to evaluate stages in any
cross-cultural setting. Familiarity with table 2, therefore, is particularly
useful for researchers.
Table 3
exemplifies various verbal relationships formed by vocalizations characterizing
different stages. Table 3 is especially
helpful since it shows some key grammatical structures associated with each
stage, as well as the key phrases used by people performing at given
stages. Though an in-depth mathematical
analysis is necessary for an accurate assessment of stage, familiarity with
Table 3 will assist the scorer in initial classification of behavior.
Tables 4a
and 4b describe the orders of hierarchy and sequence of stages, respectively.
That is, the table elaborates the nonarbitrary coordination process underlying
MHC stages. This table explains how concepts are constructed and vocalized at
each stage with increasing complexity. These table also clearly show how each
subsequent discriminations is vocalized at the subsequent verbal relationship
is formed. Understanding the examples provided in Tables 4a and 4b enables the
researcher to classify stage based on complexity of vocalizations and the
verbal relationships they form.
The new
concepts formed at each stage can be viewed as “summaries” of the constructions
of previous stages. Although the MHC proposes no mental model to explain this
process (
Interestingly, at the preoperational, abstract, and metasystematic stages
of the MHC the new concepts not only
coordinate or modify constructions from the previous stage, but they are
also qualitatively distinct conceptual
forms: representations, abstractions, and principles, respectively. The
appearance of each of these conceptual forms ushers in three repeating logical
forms: definitional, linear, and multi variate. Other researchers have
confirmed these distinct conceptual forms and repeating logical structures (
Halford, 1999), suggests that this summarizing or “chunking” makes advanced
forms of thought possible by reducing the number of elements that must be
simultaneously coordinated to produce an argument or a conceptualization at a
higher order of hierarchical complexity.
Fischer, 1980; Fischer & Kenny 1986;
External Influences
Psychological,
sociological, and anthropological data address why the participant’s
performance develops in a given manner.
However, why development takes place is linked to how participants can
demonstrate the stage of development. The successful completion of a task
requires an ideal action of a given order of hierarchical complexity which had
developed as a result of influences by psychological and sociological
variables. For example, Table 5
shows how stimulus control with or without support can change the relative
difficulty of a task. The level of support during task completion, therefore,
changes the scored order of performance. Other models have often used the
participant’s reference to an informational set as an index of stage
development without considering such variable as the level of support. We
believe that this approach is oversimplified. Accurate, consistent results
could only be obtained when the system of evaluation is based on a universally
applicable groundwork, such as the mathematical foundation of the MHC. According to the MHC, the participant’s
approach to a given task is quantified
to produce a score for the stage of reasoning in any domain. Inferences regarding the factors influencing
the performance can be made independent of obtaining the stage scores.
The Model
of Hierarchical Complexity posits that individual’s perceptions of the world
(and the stimuli in it) are influenced by frameworks. These frameworks embody
the individual’s conditioning history, including cultural, educational,
religious, political, and social backgrounds, among other factors. These combined frameworks are referred to as
one’s perspective. Perspectives differ
in terms of hierarchical complexity. As the hierarchical complexity of an
individuals’s response to task demands increases (i.e., as complexity of
performance goes up), the individual is increasingly likely to have taken many
such perspectives into account (
There are
task demands that certain professions require of individuals. Although the job demands of a secretary may
not exceed formal stage of complexity, those of managers or judges often
require development beyond the systematic stage. Tables 9 and 10 provide
examples of types of social organizations and professional settings which
require development to various stages of complexity.
Conceptualizing Stages
Each of
Piaget’s stages is defined by a set of formal properties that constitute a structure
d’ensemble, or a structure of the whole. This has sometimes been taken to
mean that the entire knowledge system forms a single unified global structure ( However, studies of
performances on various tasks do not provide
evidence for this type of a global structuring of knowledge. Instead, assessment models such as the MHC
posit that several analogous structures of knowledge exist, however, they do
not appear to develop in parallel. This is especially true of analogous
structures in different knowledge domains (
Fischer, 1980). In some interpretations of stage transitions based on the
notion of structure d’ensemble, development is characterized by abrupt
global reorganizations of the knowledge system which is modeled as a single
staircase.
Fischer, 1980; Fischer & Kenny 1986; 1984). In fact, there is no
evidence whatsoever supporting a single, global, stepwise pattern of
development. Instead, it has been argued that the cognitive system can best be
conceptualized as a set of interrelated dynamic knowledge systems ( Fischer &
Lazerson, Fischer, 1980; Fischer & Kenny, 1986; Fischer &
Lazerson,1984; van Geert, 1991), each developing in a hierarchical
manner. As discussed earlier, the MHC does not propose a direct link between
mental processes and performance. However, inferences can be made about mental
processes on the basis of patterns of performance, and these inferences can
inform research into mental functioning when cultural and other factors
influencing performance are evaluated along with the actual actions.-
Task Theory
To further
elucidate the concepts involved in quantifying task demands as the basis for
generating stage scores we present an overview of how tasks are constructed.
Task demands increase along a continuum of complexity: from preoperational,
concrete, and abstract, to formal, systematic, and metasystematic.
Series of
tasks in different domains
Each task
can only be correctly addressed at a given point in development. If the
successful completion of the task requires a higher stage then one at which the
person is performing, the scored stage will be lower than if the task demands
actions at the reasoning stage the participant has already achieved. Fischer has shown that presenting a task that
is above the participant’s stage of performance depressed the performance index
below the actual stage for reasons related to emotional development (
Fischer, 1980; Fischer & Kenny, 1986; Therefore, using only a
stage task that’s too demanding may result in underscoring performance. Presenting a task demanding the response that
the participant can actually
display is a more accurate method of
assessment. At the outset of the study, this stage is hard to predict. The most
efficient way to assess stage, therefore, is to administer several tasks of
varying complexity for the participant to attempt, including tasks of low
orders of complexity. The completed task of the highest order of hierarchical
complexity of all the tasks presented would most accurately represent the
actual stage of the participants’ reasoning. In other words, the Model of
Hierarchical Complexity not only does not focus on any particular domain of
knowledge for reasoning stage assessment, but it also recommends that several
tasks from multiple domains are presented in order to obtain the most accurate
results. The stage scores may differ in each domain depending upon the
mathematical complexity of performance.
Dimensions
of tasks
Tasks are comprised of three basic dimensions:
action, description or reflection upon that action ( King & et al., 1989; The theory underlying the development of
tasks is that different tasks require different levels or values of each of the
three dimensions. The values of each dimension are important in assessing the
stage at which a person is able to successfully execute a task. Often, these three dimensions are ignored and
only one measurement, stage of action, is specified. This oversimplified
process does not yield comparable measures of stage across tasks because the
scoring is based on different values in one or more of the other three
dimensions. In other words, the action
demands of executing a certain task in one domain may differ from the action
demands of executing a task in another domain.
The same would be true for the demands of reflection required in performing a task in one domain versus another; and for the
amount of memory required to execute a task in one domain versus another. The
MHC is primarily concerned with the first dimension of task, the action
dimension, because it interprets the stage of reasoning to correspond other
stage of performance. However, the
stages may differ in different domains because task demands also differ.
In making
comparable stage interpretations across tasks, each of the values in the
dimensions of action, reflection and memory should be specified. In other words, when discussing stage one
must be specific about the reference to the dimensions of action, reflection,
and memory.
I.
Dimension 1: Action
The
dimension of action consists of a number of requirements for a series of
concatenated actions to form a stage hierarchy of actions. The chain of steps may not be
rearranged. If doing the action was at
the sensory motor stage1,
reporting on the action would be at the nominal stage, reporting on why one
chooses that particular action would be at preoperational stage, and justifying
those justifications would be at the primary stage. That is, more complex tasks and actions
coordinate lower order tasks and actions in a nonarbitrary fashion, yielding
the process to quantitative analysis.
For
example, children might be told to put their toys into the toy box. Putting toys into the toy box is an action
that a sensory motor child might perform.
At the nominal stage they might say "Put toys," or "Put
toys away." Preoperational children
might say, "We are putting the toys away so we can get some
cookies." Primary operational
children might justify putting the toys away by saying, "We must put the
toys away now before we do the next thing because that is the rules."
The order
of hierarchical complexity of tasks composed of subtasks is easily
determined. When the tasks are from the
same domain, if one task operates on the other, the order of complexity
increases. The same is true across
domains. When tasks from different
domains are added to one another to form a new task, the number of required
concatenations of actions also add. This
assumes that stage requirements form an interval scale. The order of hierarchical complexity required by a task is written as o. Hence, for stage:
o = the order n requirements - order n - 1
requirements where the order n requirements is the order of hierarchal
complexity required by the task.
Hence for
stage:
stage n
requirements - stage n - 1 requirements =
stage n - k
- stage n - k - 1
The predicted stage required by a task is written as
o.
o = order n - k - order n - k - 1
This assumption also holds for describing action and
reflecting upon the description.
Dimension
2: Reflection
The
dimension of reflection on action consists of the following steps:
1. Doing the action
2.
Reporting on doing the action (shadowing)
3.
Reporting on why one chooses that particular action
4. Reporting
on why that justification is good
5.
Reporting on why that system of justifications is good
Each step requires the previous step. The question is whether the fact that each
step requires a previous step represents a change of stage.
Dimension
3: Memory
Remembering
an action in order to reflect upon it requires non-structural actions that
increase the task difficulty. Little
children can describe what they are doing before they can describe what they
have done earlier (
Piaget, 1976; Karmiloff-Smith clearly explains that there
are mechanisms of thought in operation before the child comes to be able to
report on those actions. Recalling
previous actions may or may not require an extra stage depending on how the
recall is triggered. For example, if the
recall is in the sensory-motor stage as is the remembering of a comfortable
sleeping position in order to attain that level of comfort again, one stage is
not required to solve the problem, one simply moves around until that position
is again attained. Yet, the explanation
of what that position is requires additional stages. If the recall depends upon having a sense of
time (i.e., recalling something ordered by time) it might require the
attainment of at least one stage of development.
A given
developmental stage represents a measure of successful performance on tasks of
the same order of hierarchical complexity.
The General Stage Model ( Commons & Richards, 1984a, 1984b; Commons &
Rodriguez, 1990; When
people successfully perform tasks of a given order of hierarchical complexity,
they are performing at the stage of the equivalent order. However, the dimensions of reflection and
memory also influence the performance or action and are shaped by the
developmental environment of the individual.
The MHC incorporates ideas about how task performance develops and how
transition progresses from one stage to the next.
Dimension 4 Familiarity
Task can vary in their important both between
different cultures and within cultures.
Individuals may have more interest or training in certain tasks. Familiarly affects the difficulty of
tasks. With practice, support and
reinforcement, the effects of Familiarly maybe wiped out.
Dimension 5 Placement of Key Information within tasks
Information place at the beginning or end of tasks are
more easily remember and sometimes seen.
Dimension 6 Degree of symbolization provided
Surprisingly, mathematical problems are the easiest in
educated populations because they come in a compact symbolized form. That form requires a minimum of coding by the
participants
Dimension 7 Level of Support
Stage Transition
Measuring
transition is extremely important. Many
interventions do not produce a change of a complete stage. Some population only vary between
transition-to-the-next stage and the next stage such as professors at research
universities who study ethics.
There are
two forms of stage transition. One is
transition steps. These steps represent
how two lower stage behaviors alternate increasingly rapidly. At step -1 or 4, the same stage behavior
there is no alternation. The rate of
alternation is 0. Then at step 0, which
is getting off the dime when the present stage is seen to fail, to using an
alternative same stage action, to alternating such an action with the
previously more used action to finally smashing elements of both previous stage
actions together – an infinitely fast alternation rate.
The second form of transition if the
proportion of current and next stage action as Theo Dawson shows using Rasch
analysis. If one looks at where the
person scores fall, they fall between the stage marked by item those two stages
or scores for those two stages.
In order to
understand how the dimension of performance increases in hierarchical
complexity we must examine the factors implicated in driving stage
transition. That is, we must examine the
various contingencies that promote the development of performance at higher
reasoning stages which is only possible when the dimensions of reflection and
memory coordinately increase in complexity along with the dimension of
action. There are a large number of such
contingencies. They include but are not
limited to providing reinforcement or support for next stage behavior, showing
contradiction for present stage behavior, exposing people to models of next
stage behavior and the reinforcement that such behaviors attain. Here we also consider emotional and various
environmental factors that shape the individual’s transition from one stage to
the next.
Every
participant’s behavior could be categorized to a transition step between
stages. Varying factors such as the
impact of emotions, personality, and environment, etc influence how long
someone may stay at each step-. Most people only traverse up to 12 stages by
the age of 24. Evidence shows people may
transition every two years at most, sometimes even less. The only time when fast transitions occur is
perhaps during infancy. Again, the
participant’s performance on a task can only be scored at a given stage of
complexity when the task of a corresponding order of complexity is successfully
completed. Table 7, for example, focuses
on four types of personalities associated with various transition
substeps. Adults are simply not meant to
“get stuck” at these substeps, and the examples provided are often associated
with psychological or personality disorders.
This knowledge of transitional mechanisms underlying development is a
great asset for therapists and psychiatrists to possess because it could be so
useful in diagnosing patients. Because
reinforcement moves people along the substeps toward the successful achievement
of stage, using various modifiers of reinforcement would help clinicians treat
patients. The crucial insights of the
MHC, therefore, are clearly applicable not only in research, but in medical
practice as well.
When one
successfully completes a task of a given order of hierarchical complexity, one
is performing at that stage of complexity.
Therefore, static coping is what occurs when one is not required to
perform above one’s characteristic stage of performance. Often one must meet or solve other problems
successfully, or assume additional perspectives and skills in order to change
stages. In those cases, dynamic coping
occurs during stage transition and it involves several steps. During steps 0-2, deconstruction of previous
stage behavior occurs (e.g.
At the
beginning of each transition the perceived rate of reinforcement drops. The more one confronts failure, the more one
might expect avoidance. In fact, Please refer to Table 5 which
elaborates the role of support in stage change. In any case, it is important to
note that emotions are usually associated with transition of stages.
Transition steps
At step 0,
the demands for performance beyond the final step of the last stage are
perceived. Without changing performance
from step 4 of the previous stage, there is a perceived reduction of
reinforcement for task performance. This characterizes step 0. A person feels stupid and upset, sometimes
even angry, while failing to fulfil a task. One may also feel elated about task
mastery of the previous stages tasks.
At step 1,
the person feels dejection in addition to the previous feeling of sadness (or
anger). In both of these first transitional steps, one may want to “give it all
up” and forget about it all. These are defense mechanists, ways of switching
the point and rejecting frustration.
At step 2,
relativism becomes the key concept. One
sees the possibility of solving a problem but does not necessarily know the
right means of doing it. Someone can be
seen as competent for a special task, but not to any task. Relativism has to do
with contexts, and because contextualization is a sort of concretizing, it is
an attempt to cope with each better way.
But concretizing is not the same as coordinating. One just knows there
is a way of comparing situations and means, but not how to do so. Keep in mind that actions of the full higher
order of hierarchal complexity not only put together actions of the lower
order, but organize them in a non-arbitrary fashion. Random contextualization,
therefore, is characteristic of a transitional step from one stage of
performance to another.
Table 6a
explains the steps involved in stage deconstruction, also providing the logical
scheme underlying this process. The
substeps organizing each deconstruction step are provided in dialectical form,
even though the organization is based on mathematical laws. The construction of each step out of substeps
is written out to facilitate the readers’s understanding of the very
mathematical notions involved in organizing complexity.
At this
point during transition, between the deconstruction and construction steps, one
may feel conflicted, anxious and not sure of anything, because the individual
does not perceive any control over the situation. People may ask themselves whether they are
independent or dependent, but they most likely can not find an answer. Who is the one that really holds the
reins? One might enjoy the excitement of
the uncertainty, such as s tourist feels upon visiting a strange land and
experiencing other cultures for the first time.
One might defend the relativism as a necessary reality and feel that it
justifies one’s behavior.
At step 3,
the first step in constructing new stage behavior, people begin to show more creativity in
handling problems. There are several
conditioning substeps comprising this step:
a) The first substep is described as "getting
chaotic". One simply tries anything
to get going. What is often done is just
smashing (or lumping) of all the existing systems of acting together without
any formal integration. Smashing has an
aggressive and desperate tone characterizing attempts to "survive"–
i.e. building a life raft out of
anything. On the first substep, people
feel somewhat manic as part of a normal process.
b) The second substep is the "learning what to do”
substep. Templates are formed that are
inclusive. The instance of the
relationship at the target stage will be detected and used. This second substep brings with it a
beginning in producing correct results.
One is not able to eliminate those acts that do not bring good
solutions, but the right direction is at hand.
The most common feelings experienced at this point are excitement and a
sense of frustration because of making errors.
c) The third conditioning substep is "learning
when and where to do" each subset of action. People know what to do but not when to do
it. They may feel uncomfortable and
confused, but not helpless. One knows
what to do, but not when. On the other
hand, people who do not know what to do, may have a feeling of deep incompetence
and helplessness. When people feel both
confused and helpless, they have no sense of power nor the ability to act
progressively. One learns to eliminate
over generalization errors. Everything
has to be compulsively cleaned up. One
may be obsessive, fussy, and "sticking." Templates constructed here exclude rather
than include. There is
reconstruction. One is just not meant to
get stuck here.
During the
final step 4 which completes the construction of new stage behavior, inclusion
and exclusion templates are finally coordinated. One feels glorious for combining right
elements successfully. A
post-reinforcement pause may follow. At
this step the closure makes one feel personally satisfied. As points out, how
this momentary stability is perceived will effect how one feels socially ( Rosenberg Quite
often the demands for further development occur. This affects how long such positive feeling
persist.
When
entering a score into an analysis, we use the following:
Stage |
Stage # |
Concrete |
8 |
Abstract |
9 |
Formal |
10 |
Systematic |
11 |
Metasystematic |
12 |
To the previous stage, we add the following for the
transition steps.
Step |
Points |
0 |
.2 |
1 |
.4 |
2 |
.6 |
3 |
.8 |
4 |
1.0 |
For example, a performance transitional to
metasystematic at step 2 would be 11- 2 or 11.6 points. Performing fully at the Metasystematic stage
is therefore 11-4 or 12= 11 + 1 points
Table 6b
explains the deconstruction steps, also elaborating the logical scheme
involved. Like in Table 6a, the substeps
are clearly written out to clarify the mathematical principles of organization.
Reinforcement
moves everyone along the substeps according the melioration law ( Herrnstein, 1982, Increases in hits
increase the likelihood of making hits, which reinforces the
generalization. Decreases in over
generalization also increase reinforcement. This law also explains how and why
the lack of satisfaction reinforcement that occurs when tasks are completed
which are below the actual stage of the individual-- underestimate the stage
since the individual may actually perform at a lower stage due to the lack of
such reinforcement. Indeed, as explained in Table 7, emotional states and
personality types affect stage transition, and this factor must be considered
when formulating a complete conception of the processes involved in stage
development.
Knowing how stage transition occurs is important in
the proper application of the quantitative methods of the MHC. Since stage is assessed from performance, the
best performance must be elicited properly.
The failure of the researchers to administer the tasks so as to provide
an adequate environment for the expression of ability may result in
underscoring stage. Therefore,
researchers must understand the psychological and sociological variables not
only of how performance on tasks develops, but also how it can be demonstrated
during assessment procedures.
How to Measure Transition
Transition
can be measured using four different methods:
1. Scoring
interviews directly for statements that reflect transition
2. Finding the
rate and acceleration of alternations of old stage and newer stage actions.
3. Finding the
proportion of new stage versus old stage behavior.
4. Determining
the hierarchical complexity of stimulus items (or tasks) and using a Rasch
analysis to show that they form a continuous scale. The Rasch analysis scales performance and
items on the same log linear line. Transitional
performance is shown by the mixtures of performances at different stages. The mixtures range from 0% at the higher
stage to 100%. We call 95% at a stage
consolidated performance and 0% up to 95% transitional. The advantages of the Rasch analysis are
that: (a) it reduces measurement variance to a minimum; (b) This yields direct comparability which is
useful in assessing both the possible natural number and nature of the items
and the corresponding performances ( Mislevy & Wilson, 1996;
Acquisition of New Stage Behavior
To overcome
the huge gap between the lower stage behavior and the higher-stage behavior,
Piaget suggested two processes: assimilation of new behaviors and performances
to the present stage; accommodation to the higher stage performance. In both cases, we argue that the laws of
learning apply. Different forms of
instruction produce both assimilation and accommodation. The general finding is the more solid the
performance at the lower stage behaviors, the more easily the new stage
behavior may be acquired.
We describe
five ways of advancing stage change as discussed with respect to adult
development. First is the didactic
method of teaching about higher stage behaviors. Second is the Piagetian notion of immersion
and the use of contradictions. There are
a wide range of programs and variation on this theme (See Adey, in preparation; Brendel, Kolbert, & Foster, in
press; Lovell, 1999;
Third is the use of reinforcement for correct answers and outcomes. Fourth is the use of support. Last is the use of direct instruction and
charted performance as feedback.
Didactic
teaching has many variants. The most
common is show and tell. At the high
school level and above, this is referred to as lectures. Lecturers seem to have been derived in form
from sermons. The information is
imparted by speaking to the multitude.
Seeing films or videos, DVD’s or other electronic form of one-way media
including seeing films, or listening to tapes, are all variants. Sometimes there is a lecture followed by a
discussion section, which may include more detailed lectures with some
possibility for questions.
A second
and related form to lectures is reading material. Not surprisingly, it is more effective. It allows for self-pacing, reviewing, and
highlighting. Reading is a much more
active process. The order from least
active to most active is as follows: show and tell, listening, and reading.
Whereas the
Piagetian notion of immersion works well for children and adults who care about
contradictions in academic settings, less motivated children do not change
stage very readily under these conditions ( In one experiment, performing the correct
task lets the children earn points. The
children’s points are then pooled for different teams and then the teams are
put into competition between each other.
These competitions for points led 75% of fifth and six grade students to
acquire formal operations on a number of Piagetian tasks.
Fischer
(personal communication) reports that various forms of support–providing
examples or prompts for what is the correct response--leads to the acceleration
of the acquisition of new stage behavior.
This is probably due to the fact that such types of support reduce the
required task demands by one order of hierarchical complexity (see Table
5). This makes it possible to perform
the higher stage task. Repeated
performances at the higher stage are reinforced and therefore acquired.
Finally,
fields such as Precision Teaching offer actual training of new actions. Two basic notions in Precision Teaching are
elements (components) and compounds (combinations) of those element
behaviors. Precision Teachers first train
individuals on the elements or components, and only later on combining them. In Precision Teaching one makes decisions
about the effectiveness of current instructional interactions based on charted
performances. The chart shows the rate
of completing tasks and compares the rates to how experts would perform. Fluency training on the element behaviors
consists of getting those behaviors to occur at an extremely rapid rate. When the rate of behavior reaches a maximum,
that is, it most closely matches the rate of an expert –the behavior is
considered fluent. If it is learned to
the extent that very little effort or special attention is required, that
is, the performance is automatic. Fluency training on the elements seems to
increase the speed at which compounds are acquired from elements. The implications of this work are that Precision
Teaching in behavior analysis provides an empirical account of development.
The Upper Limits of Stage Transition
The
discussion of stage transition may give the impression that under ideal
conditions no factors in the stage transition theory necessitate an upper limit
on stage. The current formulation of
stages includes 14 orders of complexity, suggesting that the number of times a
series of elements can be turned into a higher order combination is 14. This may, in fact, be the upper limit, at
least for human beings. There have been
an increasing number of empirical reports claiming that a limit exists on the number of times a
series of elements can be turned into a combination. These reports can be found in training studies,
which show that at a given age, there are limits to how much training is
effective in bringing about change. We
also know from training graduate students that no matter how much training one
provides for this group, some students will never move beyond the systematic
stage in their problem solving because of getting stuck somewhere in the
transition, not because of an inadequate testing environment.
It is also
suggested that whatever the upper limit may be for a particular individual,
that ceiling is almost totally heritable.
For example, there does not seem to be any variation among identical
twins who have been provided with similar training. Providing additional training to both twins
merely causes acceleration of transition
in the slower twin, but only up to the limit achieved by the other twin,
not beyond.
This theory
of stage transition makes six predictions regarding the stages, all of which ( Dawson,
Commons, & Wilson, in review;
1. There
is perfect sequentiality.
2. There
is absolutely no mixing of stage items.
3. There
are gaps in difficulty between stages. A
Saltus model (
4. These
gaps are pretty equal, showing that the task demands of transition from one
stage to another are similar regardless of the particular transition. These gaps have been shown using a Rasch
analysis with a Saltus model (Dawson & Commons, in preparation). This result is consistent with our argument
here about the quantal nature of transition..
5. People
generally perform in a uniform manner regardless of the domain. Most performances are predominantly at a
single stage.
6. The
distribution of person’s abilities within each transition is strongly skewed
toward the higher stage. Comparatively few people exhibit only a little
reasoning at their highest stage. For
example ( Whether a participant’s performance was in
transition was measured psychometrically by the proportion of new stage versus
old stage behavior.
The Model
of Hierarchical Complexity allows an explanation for performance and behavior
that may apparently be “stuck” between stages. Stages of performance are,
indeed, hard, and distinct, as the General Stage Model dictates; however,
understanding the steps involved in transition between stages, and the
influences of emotional states on the participant’s actions as well as on other
dimensions of performance on tasks allows for a more complete understanding of
stages. The higher the stage, the more complex the behavior it requires,
therefore, at higher stages, transition behavior is more likely to be observed
than at lower stages which require simpler behavioral patterns.
The
mathematical foundation of the MHC also presents a more concrete framework for
assessing development that can be used to make cross-cultural studies and
comparisons in order to elaborate the factors involved in human development.
However, it is also necessary to thoughtfully construct the format of
presenting the tasks to the participants, because the format may have
additional effects on performance.
Steps to scoring interviews using the Model of
Hierarchical Complexity
The Hierarchical Complexity Scoring System (HCSS)
entails several steps for assessing performance on a task:
1. Transcribe
the interview or the material and put it onto a disk in a file. The file should be continuous. There should be a participant number, age and
sex. The interview should be recorded
verbatim. The analysis follows the
interview. It is done systematically.
2. Divide the
interview into individual statements about an issue in a domain. In an interview, each statement is
numbered. These are usually
propositions. Number the propositions a1,
a2, a3, ... ak etc.
3. The
individual statements are coordinated to build bigger statements. For example, two abstract stage statements, a1,
a2, may be coordinated to form one formal operational statement, f1. Two or more formal operational statements, f1,
f2. may be coordinated into a
system, s1. Two or more
systems, s1, s2, may be coordinated into a metasystem, m1. Hence, the beginning statements may appear
low in stage. The overall statement that
is being scored usually ends with the highest stage coordination. The overall concluding statement is used to
determine overall complexity for a number of reasons:
a. The
mixture of lower order items distort the score of a statement or action.
b. All
higher order statements require such lower order substatement.
c. Hence,
scores the most integrative statement or action because it is the only
consistent way to score
Sometimes the last coordination comes when the
participant is asked why something is not true, caring, fair, beautiful,
important, etc. The overall statement is
the series of sub-statements the ends with the highest stage coordination.
3. Statements
are classified as scorable or unscorable.
A scorable statement consisted of the assertion of a solution to what
the participant perceived as a problem (often an interview question) and the
justification for that assertion.
Statements are considered unscorable if no justifications were given
regardless of whether solutions were asserted.
4. Scorable
statements contain either positive or negative assertions. An assertion was a positive if it
affirmed some position or relationship.
A assertion was a negative if it denied or rejected a position or
relationship.
5. To determine
the category in choice theory (hit, miss, correct rejection, or false alarm)
into which a answer falls the correct and incorrect information is combined
with the positive and negative assertions.
6. To determine
whether the statement's conclusion is correct or incorrect for the stage of
reasoning the participant used to make the conclusion,
a. the
hierarchical complexity of the implicit task a participant is trying to perform
was systematically abstracted;
b. the most
complex task attempted in a statement was identified;
c. the
participant's argumentation was compared with the criteria for the stage.
7. Whether an
assertion resulted from successful or unsuccessful reasoning was distinguished
in two ways, depending on whether the assertion was positive or negative. A positive assertion which affirmed a
conclusion that is correct for the stage of reasoning it used was called a hit. If the conclusion was incorrect, by the
criteria of the stage, the positive assertion was labeled a false alarm. A negative assertion which correctly
rejected a conclusion that is false for the stage of reasoning used was a correct
rejection. And if the conclusion was
incorrectly rejected, by the criteria of the stage, it was called a miss.
8. The last
step is to calculate an index of sensitivity and a Rasch estimate of both item
(score given to a statement) difficulty and participant proclivity. These are related to the given order of
hierarchical complexity of the item. The
nominal traditional categories of domain, issue, and norm are also recorded.
Problems with other forms of scoring
I. Scoring
manuals have been domain specific for the most part. The Washington Sentence Completion Test
(WSCT) scoring system is reliable only for those sentence stems contained in
the scoring manual. This restriction
follows from the fact that the logic of interstage relationships has not been
made explicit.
a. bootstrapping
method of developing the scoring system
b. manuals
generated by applying a particular stage theory to pilot data
c. manual
consists of standard dilemmas with representative answers for each stage
d. criterion
judgments for each issue in the argument are reviewed, and matched to
participants' responses
e. the matching
process requires scorer to be familiar with the manual and to make fine
discriminations between arguments
f. matches are
ultimately based on the particular conceptual content of elements employed by
the participant, rather than upon the relations among these elements. Standard Issue Scoring is thus limited by
being content bound.
Definition of Common Terms across Stage Models
Concatenation: In a concatenation, a coordinating action is
performed on two or more elements. The
products of this action then become the elements and the action is performed
again on the new elements. The products
of the second performance of the action are taken as elements and the action is
performed again. In theory, such a
concatenation may be extended indefinitely.
Domain: Domain describes a set of tasks that share
certain qualities in common. Such tasks
are similar in both their actions and the objects acted upon (content).
Downward assimilation: Participants
sometimes give answers or solutions that are derived from a higher orders of
reasoning than the one the participant uses to justify the answer. This suggests that people may be attracted to
the arguments of a given stage even if they themselves are unable to generate
them. The adoption of such arguments is
downward assimilation. For example,
there is a social domain
Interview instrument: An interview
instrument is a construction such as the Heinz Dilemma. It presents a framework around which the
interview can be directed.
Order of Hierarchical Complexity of Performance: A
Participant's stage of performance is the order of hierarchical complexity of a
successfully performed task.
Variable: A variable is defined as an element with more than one
possible solution (value). Variables can
be continuous (like size) or discrete (like age in years). Discrete variables can be binary
(dichotomous), like clean/dirty or new/old, or they can be multivalent, like
number of dependents.
Instruments of assessment
In
assessing development there is always the question as to whether the tasks
should be presented to participant as a series of problems or in an interview
format. In either case, the task may be
used to examine various issues, such as moral reasoning, social-perspective
taking, attachment, causality detection, etc. The participant may deal with
each issue at a different stage, depending on the order of the performance on
the task connected to each issue. When
the three task dimensions earlier described
are uniformly taken into account, both types of the assessment
instruments, the interview and problem set,
yield equivalent stage results because stage is a single measure of the
hierarchical complexity of the task that the participant is solving. As long as
the task demands presented in an interview or in a problem set are the same,
performance stage should not vary.
Though the format of the task can possibly add demands not related to
stage of performance, the stage scores remain unchanged because the task
related to stage is what must be correctly completed. Like all answers during
an interview solve some implied task, all solutions to a problem series solve
an issue at a stage of a particular hierarchical complexity ( Commons, Kantrowitz, et al., 1984).2
Once a task
has been constructed and administered, the scoring scheme specifies the
relevant data that the researcher evaluates to produce a stage score. Since most scoring schemes use standard
assessment tools, the implied tasks that
the participant carries out at a given stage are clear to the researcher. Once the implied tasks for each stage are
uncovered from analyzing participants’ responses, a direct problem with more
categorical answers is constructed.
Interview
answers are relatively less constrained than stimulus driven problems. Problems and dilemmas always have specific
contexts and ways of assessing performances.
Because interview answers are much less constrained, one would expect
that the plausible responses are essentially infinite. The validly of the answers may be great
because the probability of selecting a non-self-representative response is
virtually nil. On the other hand, dilemma presentation risks missing the
responses that a participant would choose if less constrained by the instrument
of assessment. Hence, we suggest that
both dilemma and response sets are used as measurement tools during the
evaluations. In some cultures, on the
spot social discussions may also prove useful and necessary. Keep in mind, that presenting a variety of
tasks of varying orders of complexity comprise the most efficient method of
accurately assessing stage.
The two
forms of measurement are mirrors of one another. With fixed problems, one can study the
processes of transition and acquisition of new stage behaviors, as well as the
specific ways in which problems are solved.
Small variations may be introduced into the fixed problems administered
to the participants, by varying single aspects of interest each time an
assessment tool is used.
Turning
interview questions into problems
In
addition, though this involves a considerable effort, researchers can turn the interview responses
into problems. The main difficulty lies
in delineating the implied tasks and in showing how the actions that are needed
to carry out a desired sequence of tasks order the more complex stage sequence.
Pros and
cons of interviews
There is a
number of reasons for choosing whether or not to use interviews. Open ended
interviews, for instance, create variability, delaying the operationalization
of the variables that the researcher thinks are important. During such
interviews the participant may or may not choose to discuss a particular topic
which may be important for raising the stage score according the system based
on informational references. While solving specific problems, on the other
hand, the participant is more likely to obtain clearer instructions from the
researcher regarding which particular topics it’s important and relevant to
address. The MHC does not make this contextual distinction and any combination
of open-ended questions and more specific problems may comprise an acceptable
format of testing stage.
Pros and
cons of problems
Problems
commit the researcher to an operationalization of the issues. They often
do not measure the actual proficiency of the participant, because they contain
demands that are not central to the concerns of the researcher and therefore
may also underestimate the stage score.
As many testing manuals point out ( Anastasi, 1982), more than one form of the
problem has to be generated in order to help the researcher make appropriate
evaluations. So-called warm-up effects reflect the transfer of competence
from one domain to the one being examined. Unless the transfer process is
also examined, initial results of single items can be very misleading (
Examples of scoring
Attachment A.
Male, Age 8, Stage 7 Primary-Step 3 Smash, Substep 2: Over
generalization: Transition to
Concrete:
Interviewer:
What happened to the toy that your cousin lost?
Child: Yeah. He
threw it up someplace. It must've landed
in a gutter or in the streets.
Analyses: He talked about his own point of view in an
earlier response. Now he has reversed
and is talking about his cousin (who threw his toy “some place”). He is at least considering what his cousin
did and how that affected not being able to find the toy. However there is no specific co-ordination
between what the cousin did and the fact that the toy cannot be found. The substep of transition that he is showing
is over generalization. He would blame
his cousin for anything, so he does not have “correct rejection” strategies -
just a large number of hits.
Attachment
N. Male, Age 9, Stage 7 Primary-Step 3
Smash: Transitional to Concrete
Interviewer:
Why weren’t you very mad when your friend moved?
Child: Because I did have a say in it, sort of. I asked them to stay, but he said Oh we’ve
been planning to move for about a year.
Analyses:
This child spoke about these experiences almost entirely in primary order
terms. But he made three statements
approaching the concrete order (of which this is one). This statement involves more than just
himself. He recognizes that others have
points of view, but he does not really refer to their point of view. As a result this was coded as being at the
transition substep smash.
Attachment
K. Female, Age 8, Stage 8 Concrete-Step 2 Relativism: Transition to abstract
[When asked whether she was afraid due to the loss of
her hat:]
Child: I just
wasn't afraid. Because, I don't get
afraid when I lose something. But if
it's something very, very special to me, really, really important and I always
loved it, then I would be a little more scared and worried that I lost it. I'll never see it again.
Analysis:
She seems to have two ideas: some things that are not very important do not
make her get very afraid; other things that are very, very important would make
her get more afraid. She seems to be
beginning to deal with different values of “importance” and of “fear” and
relating them to each other, but she is not doing the relating explicitly. She also seems to be thinking hypothetically;
she does not have a specific thing in mind but says “If it’s something…” As far
as what step of transition she is showing here, it is relativism: she has both
points of view, but does not co-ordinate them, instead she alternates between
them.
Attachment
C. Female, Age 9, Stage 8 Concrete-Step
3 Smash: Transition to abstract
[When her cat died:]
Child: It made
me feel like I had to do something because I wasn't taking it that hard and
like, the other two were.
Analysis: This
is a story, with specified roles: self and other family members. She is stating what sounds like a social
norm, but it is not a general social norm.
It is specific: because these two people are upset, she should be
upset. This is transitional to abstract,
because generalized social norms are abstract.
The transition substep is smash because the social norm is not free, it
is stuck on these two people and this situation.
Therapy
Stage 10 Formal, Step 4 (0):
Participant: I play slowly enough to anticipate each
upcoming section of the music.
Analysis:
Formal, stage 10. An implied “if… then” relationship logically connects two
abstract variables. The first variable
is the speed of playing, and the second is the anticipation of upcoming
sections of music.
Therapy
Stage 10 Formal-Step 1 Negation: Transition to Systematic
Participant: “He sees intimacy in a different way than me.”
Analysis:
This is a functional relation: “If he sees intimacy as ‘x’ then I see it as ‘y’
and vice-versa.” This is a comparison
between two abstract propositions.
Therapy
Stage 10 Formal-Step 3 Smash: Transition to Systematic
Participant:
“Need to explore and respect each other’s wants and desires and function as a
team [to build intimacy].”
Analysis:
The adult has a “needs to do” list of the conditions required for building
intimacy. This is multiple causation;
the conditions are combined in an additive fashion at the formal stage. The social relationship, as a system that
builds intimacy, is not explained as a co-ordinated system of viewpoints that
balances individual with common needs or desires. “Explore and respect each other’s wants and
desires” indicates a notion of maintaining independence and “function as a team”
dependence, but the adult doesn’t account for how to co-ordinate them.
Attachment
M. Male, Age 41, Stage 11
Systematic-Step 0 Failure: Transition to Metasystematic
Participant: I lost my car, my
marriage, my job, my health and a whole lot of other things at that same period
of time so I can’t say, you know, it was point 0. 0 centimeters of sadness associated with
losing my motorcycle.
Analysis:
Systematic because there was this whole system of losses impacting on him that
he cannot point to one event or one variable as the cause of his sadness. It is seen as transitional step 0 because it
is just loss with nothing else.
Therapy
Stage 11 Systematic-Step 1 Negation: Transition to Metasystematic
Participant:
I need to understand that John is a man of few words when it comes to
love.
Analysis: The adult is negating blame. She is taking responsibility for constructing
her view of John as an element of her overall understanding of building
intimacy instead of blaming him (entirely) for blocking the process. (Negating blame is a rejection of a formal,
linear view of causality. ) The
systematic level of complexity as explained here involves a context (i.e., “when
it comes to love” is a distinct context) in which the self (i.e., “I need to
understand that …”) takes a view of the other’s view of love (i.e., “John is a
man of few words when it comes to love”).
Attachment
D. Female, Age 41 Stage 11 Systematic-Step 2 Relativism: Transition to
Metasystematic
Interviewer:
How did you come to change your mind [about your whole way of looking at
life, as a result of living through the war in your country]? Was it just the fear of death? …
Participant:
Well, it was the fear of death. [and
somewhat further down in the same statement:]
Things like this, you can’t have pink ideals when the
situation around here is like that. And
you have to live day by day. You just
cannot plan anything not even for a week.
Lack of water, lack of sometimes bread…
Analyses: The reason that she changed her mind is
partly because of the fear of death. Her
whole way of looking at life changed as a result of death becoming so
immediate. This was coded as being at
the Systematic stage. She was talking
about having one view of life (her first system) before the war, and having a
second and totally different view of life (her second system) after the
war. Further down, she is saying you can’t
choose a system, you can’t have ideals - and the war is what made her that way
- she couldn’t choose the path - the war made her see things on a day-to-day
basis. So, this is a comparative
statement about two systems: the way things would have been, and the way they
ended up, but there is no explicit comparing.
She articulates each one, but alternates between describing one or the
other; or rather she mainly describes the new system and leaves the interviewer
to understand that the old system had none of this. This was scored as relativism.
Attachment E. Male, Age 23, Stage 11 Systematic-Step 2,
Relativism: Transition to Metasystematic
[When asked to decide what was his greatest loss:]
Participant:
... but that hasn’t [happened] to me yet, though, ummm, and I’m not sure I feel
comfortable saying that the biggest loss I’ve ever had in my entire life, I
think for some it might be easy to do.
They could tell right off, but I really have different experiences, so I
could say that something was a big loss, but I’m not sure it was the most…so is
that going to be…?
Analyses: He talks about one system: his set of
experiences that have given him a particular set of losses. He also refers to potential other systems
containing the experiences of others that may produce other losses or more
losses. Because he does not co-ordinate
these two together, but talks on the one hand about his experiences, and on the
other hand about the experiences of others, he is at the relativism substep.
Therapy Stage 11 Systematic-Step 2 Relativism:
Transition to Metasystematic
Participant: I understand that it may not be possible to
be both at the same time [to be a friend and pastor to an individual], and that
what I am looking for from an individual at each particular time will be
different as I am friend and pastor.
Analysis:
The adult succeeds in bringing together the two roles of friend and pastor
within the same individual. He
alternates them in a systematic fashion so they do not conflict with one
another. The adult does this by placing
himself with the parishioner into two different temporal contexts. Here, there are two perspectives (from the
same person) but they are not fully integrated.
The transition process is not yet complete for this stage.
Attachment J. Female, Age 25, Stage 11 Systematic-Step 3 Smash: Transition to Metasystematic
[When asked to describe her emotions after breaking up
with her boyfriend:]
Participant: And yeah, I was angry too. I was angry at him because… because I knew there were some things about
him that were wrong, and created these adverse reactions in me, and I didn’t
really know what they were, but I was really mad at him for just being himself.
Analyses: She was angry for at least two reasons: he
did things or had characteristics that were wrong, but there was almost
something about her that had adverse reactions to the things he did. So she is describing a kind of multi-variable
system that determines her emotion, in this case, anger. Also, just the phrase “being himself” is a
systematic notion; it consists of multiple behaviors occurring at multiple
times and occasions. But this is not
fully metasystematic because she does not know what is driving her nuts. She does not fully specify either her self
system enough, or the “other” system enough to have a clear sense of what is
wrong. She is at step 3, smash, in the
transition to metasystematic, and most likely at substep 1.
Therapy
Stage 11 Systematic-Step 3 Relativism:
Transition to Metasystematic
Participant:
I relax. I breathe. I visualize the pages ahead and the intent of
playing and the feeling for the music to be expressed, all from a calm place. I keep practicing all the little snags to
smooth out. I get plenty of rest, do
Brain Gym and chi activities. I
visualize success and calmness. I pay
attention to the music and not the worry.
I breathe some more, and repeat.
I remember this and create it from out of my larger goals and purposes.
Analysis: The adult explains that he integrates
success and calmness through visualizing both together. Also, coming from a “calm place” promotes
visualization, and paying attention to the music and not the worry. Success and calmness are two “systems” that
he is co-ordinating. At this point, he
appears to be overgeneralizing how the two are combined. As systems, he explains how success depends
on calmness, but not clearly how calmness depends on success.
Therapy
Stage 12 Metasystematic-Step 4 (0)
Participant:
“To find things easily is to pursue a thought until it intersects perceptions
or images of the misplaced item, to sense its presence without clearly
identifying it and then it appears as if to fulfill some sense of it being there
already.”
Analysis:
The adult integrates “locating” and “identifying” into a subjective, intuitive
system of thinking about an object. This
is a strategy of “scanning and zeroing in” on the misplaced item. In this process, the adult first thinks about
an item, which elicits perceptions or images of it. Then, the adult implies that he looks around
for the item. The scanning is done by
first using the “ground” to sense an object intuitively, and then by
disembodying the object more fully so it becomes the “figure. “ At this point, the appearance of the object
is gradually matched against the images of the thought about the object until
the client becomes fully conscious of the object’s presence. At the end of his explanation, the client is
just starting to construct the related system of objective appearances and
locations. The variables of thinking
about, locating, and identifying a misplaced item are fully co-ordinated into a
strategy for finding misplaced items.
When looking about, he first senses the item's presence without fully
identifying it. At the end of the
process, the item is fully located and identified, confirming the adult's “sense”
of the item's location.
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic-Step 1 Negation: Transition to Metasystematic
Stage
Participant:
Teacher says look, we're going to tell you things that you can write down. And if you forget you can look them up in the
textbook. I promise I won't tell you
anything that's not in a book you can look up.
And you write them down and memorize them. And then we're going to have an exam. And you tell us back and we'll check off
whether you told us right and whether you told us everything. And if you did, then we'll give you an
A.
Now this is
a very safe process for all concerned.
There's very little risk for the faculty. I mean anybody can give an adequate lecture
of that type. So it won't reveal you as
a bad teacher unless you just don't prepare.
It's also very safe for the student, right? Because if you do your homework, if you don’t
screw around and play tennis and waste your time, you can pass almost any
course that is taught that way. And the
conspiracy is that neither party, neither the professor nor the student do
anything to reveal that not much learning has gone on. What do I mean by not much learning has gone
on? What I mean is, when you confront
people with problems for which the knowledge you have transmitted is supposed
to be useful later on, they can't solve them.
Analysis:
Participant includes components from an educational system based on predictable
outcomes and rote memorization, as well as components from a system with
risk. Participant does not co-ordinate
these components and gives as examples subsets of different ways of education
and assessing students at the Kennedy School of Government.
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic-Step 1 Negation: Transition to Metasystematic
Stage
Participant:
“I want to say one more thing about this. One of the ways, that it is very difficult to
evaluate a process like this, is to ask the victims or participants of it at
the time. It's characteristic of every
experiment that we have made that…(in my view)…in every experiment that we have
made that really involves learning, that the students and this includes
mid-career adult students, hate it. Or
say they hate it. They say, oh, don't do
that. That's a terrible idea. They plead with us to teach statistics by the
lecture method. They…we asked them for
example to grade each other in class performance. We don’t do it any more. They grade each other and that's half their
course grade. So they are responsible
for each other and responsible to the classroom and we are no longer the policeman
of classroom behavior. And they have six
dozen different elaborately reasoned explanations of why that's inappropriate
and unethical and why we shouldn't do that.
And it's our job to grade them and so on….
Analyses: Participant includes components from an
educational system based on traditional lecture-type teaching and teachers
doing all the evaluation, as well as components from a system based on the case
method and students’ evaluation of one another.
Participant produces hits at stage 12 by describing components of an
ideal system of student empowerment, but overgeneralizes by relying too much on
examples and not co-ordinating components into a cohesive system –
You know I
think the best example is of Ulysses tying himself to the mast. You know, where he sails past the
sirens? Do you know the story? He sails past the sirens and he knows that
they're going to sing and lure the ship to its death so he says, “OK, sailors,
stuff your ears with wax so everybody can't hear anything. OK now tie me to the mast and unstuff my
ears. So they sail past the sirens and
he hears the sirens but he can't do anything about it and they don't hear it so
they keep rowing. SO he's the only man
in the world who's heard them and survived.
And he knew that when he heard them that if he didn't tie himself to the
mast, right, if he didn't restrict his behavior. Somehow we have to trust the students that
have made an agreement like this. At the
same time they can not want to do this week's homework and hope that we will
not listen to them. At that moment. Tricky problem.”
Moral Reasoning Stage 11 Systematic-Step 1 Negation:
Transition to Metasystematic
Participant:
Alright, a business is trying to provide some product or some service to the
society. Trying to make a profit. The university is trying to educate
people. So obviously, the activity is
going to be different… I suppose you
could say that there's a certain kind of interaction that's crucial for a
university's place students and faculty which doesn't have a comparable place
in other kinds of institutions.
Analysis: Participant does not fully describe or
co-ordinate the systems of business and education
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic-Step 1 Negation: Transition to Metasystematic
Stage
Participant: “Well, there are
some people who like to think of everything as a business. It's a metaphor people use. And maybe there's some point to that, but it
also can be misleading. There's a point
to it in the sense that the university should worry about using its resources
efficiently and should make sure that it's accomplishing its mission. But it's misleading in the sense that you
can't simply take the standards that apply in a business enterprise and
transfer them wholesale to a university, judge it by the same standards. You've got to realize that there's a different
kind of enterprise going on.”
Analysis: Participant does not fully describe or
co-ordinate the systems of business and education.
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic-Step 2 Relativism: Transition to Metasystematic
Stage
Participant:
Well, because, I guess these goals are sort of Aristotelian [in] that the truth
is always somewhere in between. And if
we used all the resources of higher education merely to prepare for a career
for example then the career wouldn't be worth having because life wouldn't be
worth living. I mean if what you learned
was how to do your job, then there wouldn't be much point in doing the job
because you couldn't enjoy anything else.
Conversely, if all you did was get very good at reading books and
consuming experience, you wouldn't be any good to anybody else so why we should
we care that you are having a good time?
Analysis:
Participant alternates between the “preparing for a career” and “getting very
good at reading books and consuming experience,” without co-ordinating them.
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic-Step 2 Relativism: Transition to Metasystematic
Stage
Participant:
So if higher education is in the service of these three objectives, and if
turns out to only be good for one of them, then, I'd say it won't even advance
that one. That these aren't
additive. You can't say, well, this is
the Harvard School of Getting an MBA and Making a Million Dollars. The accusation that's leveled at the Business
school is that all it does is teaches people to make a lot of money and not to
be good people in some other sense. And
then it turns out to be not worth it that they are making a lot of money. Because they are deficient in these other
dimensions. So that I can't separate the
quality of interdependence and talk about any one of these by themselves in
isolation.
Analysis: Participant alternates between students to
make money and becoming a good person without co-ordinating them.
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic-Step 2 Relativism: Transition to Metasystematic
Stage
Participant:
.., any large institution needs governance, which is to say that some people
have to be in a position to make decisions.
So the university's no different from other institutions in that
respect. What may be characteristic
about universities is that much of the authority is decentralized, much so than
any other social institutions. And
that's because it's very important to allow faculty members to have a good deal
of autonomy.
Analysis: Participant does not co-ordinate the two
systematic goals of governance and autonomy
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic-Step 2: Transition to Metasystematic Stage
Participant: Whereas, if you want to call what the
university does is producing a product, the product is the very interaction
between students and faculty. I: Ok. What should that interaction be and why? I: What quality should it have? There are some very general features one
might say as openness, willingness to explore new ideas, a willingness to
question, to debate, to provide support for claims that are made...no one has
monopoly or a lockhold on the truth. And
if for every individual to a considerable extent has to make a judgement for
him herself as to what's true. What
makes sense. What connects to what.
Analysis: Participant produces a hit at stage 12, but
basis for exclusion what is or isn’t an element in the ideal university system
is not sharp
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic, Step 2: Transition to Metasystematic Stage
Participant: I think that everyone has an inclination,
maybe even a desire to be certain about how the world is. Among other inclinations. And what you want to do is lead a person to
perceive that they are adults, so you explore the beliefs that people have and
you show where there are questions and why one has to keep a certain openness
in regard to those things because they are questions.
Analysis:
Participant produces a hit at stage 12, but basis for exclusion what is or isn’t
an element in the ideal system of training is not sharp.
Good
Education Stage 11 Systematic, Step 3 Smash: Transition to Metasystematic Stage
Participant: I don't mean by that there should be some
separate course in a professional school because that seems to me a way of
simply keeping ethos concerns marginal …
in law there is a guiding ideal that the course system should be doing
justice… when a lawyer helps two parties
write a contract, the lawyer should have some understanding of what a fair
contract is and what equal bargaining is.
I: Why? W: Those are moral notions. Because this is a way of treating people with
respect.”
Analysis: Participant correctly rejects reducing moral
concerns to a marginal level, but under generalizes the need for respect to one
professional area, the law.
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: It's important because in almost all aspects
of the society where people are involved day by day, the professional business
bureaucratic demands upon people--let us say for the moment, relatively educated
people in the entirely conventional sense of having gotten a certain number of
degrees or something--are such that they neither make nor are given the time
and I think soon lose the energy to find the time to think critically of what
they are doing and learn a variety of ways to absorb the mainstream lessons of
their society or to work within the alternatives that the society considers
respectable and suitable alternatives, as whatever, as the Democrats and the
Republicans or between this college or that, or this or that job, whatever it
might be. So that there are few
institutions which have the luxury as it were, or the capacity to get people to
think outside the context of any one pursuit and to think about themselves and
their society better with that extent distanced.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. The participant clearly defines her/his ideal
system of a moral education with a definitive goal of integrating the
self-system with society, although this goal should be accomplished along with
the student receiving a practical skill.
The participant passes at Stage 12 because they are able to describe a
system which has a clearly defined method integrating these two goals– “
ideally the institutions should make one competent to work within the
profession and it's too obvious to mention when you get to areas like surgery
or building bridges, but the notion of competence for the law is far more
complex, but there is clearly a sense of an ability to deal with the materials
to grasp and to understand their various possibilities and so on. On the other hand, simply to train people to
that competence which would enable them to play the professional role and serve
any set of interests, which in my mind would be an inadequate way of thinking
of the role of the school as such, that is, it should have the role of making
the student not only aware of the professional tradition, but critical of the
professional tradition.
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: Whereas if you stay within a narrow
conception of technique and professionalism---which inevitably, you do, in any
professional school. If you're studying
the bone structure of the body, you don't want to develop the forms of
democratic government necessarily in the same course. But a school that offered no opportunity to
see what it was doing relationally, too, in the sense of what life the
individual ought to lead or the understanding of the character of your own
society. What I think failed by making
the professional think that professionalism and work consisted of the
boundaries where the boundaries or the boundaries of technique taught in the
school. There were no larger issues
present.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant successfully describes a cohesive
system with sharply defined criteria for what determines a good or bad
education. Participant successfully
integrates the goal of professional competence with the goal of broadening the
professional student’s understanding of his/her role in society.
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: All are theories that rest upon different
ethical assumptions of what society is and what the role of law and society is
and what either has achieved which often blends into what people think it ought
to achieve and people create their histories which are open to many
interpretations which often, you know, consist of the way they think of what
the society ought to be. So it's just
become a prevalent way of thinking about law.
To understand why the rule says one thing rather than another or the
standard or the principle or why the Constitution or whatever interprets it to
mean this rather than can't be understood with any strict system that extrudes
history, morals, political theory, even psychology, sociology, a whole variety
of perceptions that inform the lawmaker, whether you're talking with a judge or
a legislator.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant successfully describes a cohesive
system with sharply defined criteria for what determines a good or bad legal
education. Participant successfully
integrates the goal of legal competence with the goal of broadening the law
student’s understanding of his/her role in society.
Good
Government Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: I mean there's a sense in which we respect
ourselves more and respect each other to the extent we are self-governing
rather than taking orders. Um. There is a sense a purely efficiency sense in
which you tend to keep the most corrupt and most venal and most crooked out of
office---at least you can bounce them from office if there's some conception of
electoral or democratic control as opposed to having no control over the
guys. And there's a conception of
self-development through, you know, not thinking what your life can be entirely
your business and private and other people are going to run the joint so as you
start to participate and you start to think more of the polity and we start to
think more the society you're living and ideally, we take that as part of your
responsibility to think about others who think about the society and not simply
say, my domain is entirely my life.
Analysis: Pass
at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant
successfully describes a cohesive governmental system with sharply defined
criteria for what determines a good government.
Participant successfully integrates the goal of legal competence with
the goal of self-development and the citizen’s responsibility to society.
Good
Government Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: That denied people important possibilities of
participation that dictated rather than saw itself in some fashion of the
community of the people themselves that did evil things, that denied respect,
that humiliated, that discriminated…
Interviewer: Why would that be evil?
Participant:
Well, you're back to fundamental, I mean, formal premises intuitively because
it would create systemic official differences, discriminations among people in
a way that denied to them, denied some basic notion of equal worth… you ask why say that, why not some more than
others and in many respects, some are better than others. Morally, or in talents or in one thing or
another. But in modern terms of respect
as human beings which they inherit so that would deny that, would I think true
to some, hierarchically, traumatically whatever superior to others. And deny participation to all or some and to
deny respect by crushing all of those possibilities of human expression or
discovery or gaining more freedom that we talked about earlier.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant describes a system which has
sharply defines a bad versus and good government. Participant successfully integrates the two
themes of superiority in some individuals with the theme of equal respect .
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: I'm not certain that I would want some veto
power but it would probably be on the grounds similar to Constitutional grounds
vetoing what Congress does. If it
violates fundamental principles. So I'm
unclear what the relationship between the president and the faculty should be, but
it would move more heavily towards faculty participant to very few restraints
and faculty participation going toward a great voice whether or not it would
fully [allow] election of the dean and faculty committees and things of that
sort. But I think the president is
functioning. I think the faculty could
get all locked up. They could all become
one thing and refuse to hire anyone outside who's not part of that model. Or they could develop vendettas and become
very destructive and drive people out on personal or ideological grounds… It would become a closed institution rather
than an open institution. And I think
part of the role of the president might be to assure that a university remains,
not equally open to everything, but remains an institution in which ideas have
a chance to develop and there's no formal closure to any of the competing the
set of ways of thinking about a participant.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant describes a system which has
sharply defines a bad versus and good university government. Participant successfully integrates the two
themes of openness with the theme of structure.
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: If you believe in what an institution should
be, then you should act for it. Because
there's a problem when you're hierarchically in the administration under someone's
dean for a lot of reasons I don't someone at MIT who's going to be publicly
criticizing me. Fax friend Peter. I want someone's who's supporting me. That's my team. I gotta get things done. Gotta count on you. But a faculty member's not anyone's
team. A faculty member is an independent
functioning human being. It has a responsibility,
I think, certainly the right, whether or not if they have the responsibility,
to act in that way… If I were
vice-president or something of the sort.
In an important way. I wouldn't
stop criticizing, but I'd do it internally more than externally.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant successfully describes an ideal
system of university government which integrates the goals of supporting the
institution and being a responsible critic of same.
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: The reasons for it may lie in the
subconscious, but at least we all know, it's---you know you're lying. I think that you deny your respect for me. You know, that really bothers me. I: Why?
S: You're manipulating me. You're
not treating me as someone real. And
you may be doing it— if you've got a point to
fight out on the university paper, I think that you
learn early in life that you do it directly.
You don't get around it by lying.
You say, Mr. Administrator,
thanks, but no thanks or yes, I will bow to pressure if you don't want it
published. Rest assured, I'm a goody,
I'm not. If your superiors lie to
you. That's why the whole idea of
censoring the thing is bad. You learn that
when you're in authority, you're going to crush someone who threatens to reveal
something that's embarrassing to you.
Going to publish. Or you say,
keep your hands off our papers, if you try to censor this at all, we're going
to be responsible, or we're going to try to be or whatever you're going to try
to say.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant correctly rejects lying,
particularly by those in authority, as inconsistent with an ideal university
system based on respect and responsibility.
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: Although the university, I think did seem to
be acting abusively-the way you put it---around the facts that I've
imagined. If it were anything more than
inquiry and urging you to take great care with this story and assure that it's
correct if there going to publish it and to think hard about it. Stonewall?
I think it's a bad way to get out things. It’s a hard way to get out of things. You…
it’s a very… and you're teaching
a lesson by doing that.”
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant correctly rejects lying,
particularly by
those in authority, as inconsistent with an ideal
system of morality based on truth – “
Good
Education Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: if it passes for acceptable for personal
authority is able then, to denigrate particular constituents. If the uneducated, the poor, the minorities,
women, whatever he wants to do. So that
if it passes in the classroom, it's, uh, you know. It's like, um, whatever, um,… a president of this country denigrating a
particular other people's for this or that or denigrating all Communists or
whatever. I: Ok S: Whatever it might be. Or a Palestinian denigrating all Jews or an
Israeli leader denigrating all Palestinians.
It legitimates that fine dilemma.
I:
Interviewer:
Why?
Participant: Because it's from a person in a position
of authority.
Interviewer: Why is that important---that he's in
authority.
Participant: The legitimation because when people with
formal authority speak others listen more than they do to someone they can
dismiss down the street and that person gains an audience and the press has a
lot more power to disseminate and you may have the power, even more
significant, to write your views into some form of official conduct by your
policies in the classroom.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. Participant correctly rejects denigration and
lack of respect, particularly by those in authority, as inconsistent with
promoting and supporting an ideal system of morality based on truth.
Moral
Reasoning Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: Like you could maybe go to jail for stealing,
you know. That's a little bit like civil
disobedience and Thoreau and so on, not quite the same thing, but you're
standing up for the principle which human life is more important on this
particular equation more than property and are willing to take the consequences
even if it means that you're going to jail…
And I think that this notion of say being willing to take the
consequences, if there are, such there are social consequences for, and the
willingness to make the reparation to the druggist. I mean, there's the problem of an unjust
price, in this situation, there are so many complex moral issues—There are many
ways in
which you could express your willingness to comport
with a social system and still not outrage you in various ways.
Analysis: Pass at metasystematic Stage 12. Participant successfully describes an ideal
system of morality with preservation of life over property in a hierarchal
value system, but integrates this theme with the theme of preserving social
order.
Moral
Reasoning Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Unless you
say that this is an idiosyncratic occasion.
I mean, it's never going to happen again and you've got the whole human
tragedy there and it's not going to hurt you to give and I suppose that I would
feel in that circumstance, I'd consume all of that, yes. I should give. I can't bear the responsibility for not doing
it. But I'd also feel a great rage. Why am I doing it in my society? Why am I called upon? Why shouldn't the society be doing it in some
structured way? Through tax systems,
welfare systems, whatever it might be.
And I find it hard to believe that this would be that isolated case, you
see.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12 – Participant
describes an ideal system which would meet peoples’ needs in emergencies rather
than relying on the unpredictable and haphazard intervention of individuals,
contrasting this ideal system with one that places an unreasonable and
sometimes impossible burden on any particular individual who may be confronted
with such situations.
Moral
Reasoning Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: The market is not functioning by definition
when you're price-gouging and since most justification for prices rests on some
assumed structure of competitiveness applying demand and if you don't like my
drug prices, go to someone else, if you don't like my towing service in the
road, go to someone else. All of that
collapses when you're broken down on the road and I'm the only towing company
that's willing to come out and get you for a thousand bucks and you're the only
person with this rating on them--that's all.
We're talking about what an economist would call a monopolist situation
and monopoly pricing raises serious issues with respect to the public
good. Why give one person all that power
to profit self at the expense of much public suffering in this situation
elsewhere?
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12 – Participant
describes an ideal economic system devoted to the public good, and correctly
rejects any monopolistic system as being inconsistent with such a system.
Moral
Reasoning Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant: Entrepreneurial skill, running out of the
game, taking a risk, all of those seem, simply on a utilitarian basis, which I
would come back to the diminution of welfare to the druggist seems to be a
relatively trivial matter if you were still allowing some normal business and
profit compared with the enormous harm you're creating for others. If people try to justify this out of
ignorance, you have whole elaborate attempts at social or political theory that
been to justify one or another set of arrangements. I think where you're dealing with,
particularly in matters like health which hurt you very strongly, life and
death, it seems to go back to some fundamental lack of respect or any
perception of equal humanity to allow one person to appropriate so much that
could be helping so many others in a vital way
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12. The participant describes an ideal economic
system that places life and health over promoting entrepreneurial skill and
risk-taking.
Moral
Reasoning Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant:
He should repent and embrace him like a brother…well, he should certainly try
to understand why Heinz is doing this. I
suppose that would be…or Heinz should try to get him to understand why he is
doing
this…there's always the possibility that he will
understand Heinz's. . the death of Heinz's motivations and see why
Heinz used this as a moral act and perhaps that point of view may be persuasive
to him. He can empathize with Heinz to
some degree and see it as he would if it were his wife and if he didn't have
the money then he may rethink the morality of his own conduct and wonder if he
should not act differently in the circumstances… Ideally, I mean,…what I'm stressing is that
it would be best if we had a character that would empathetically identify with
and see the dilemma and think it through by feeling and understanding the thing
rather than someone who saw it clearly in terms of property rights and property
right protection.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12 – The
participant describes an ideal personal moral system for the druggist based on
empathy and placing life over property.
Moral
Reasoning Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
What right
has the stranger to say Heinz, you lower your welfare by participanting
yourself to a prison sentence by stealing this drug to me. I think relationships here are vitally
important the way we understand our moral responsibilities. We have to---either, I think they are personal
and individual through love or affect or one or another close, or they are
systemic and social. Handling the social
problem as a whole. I find it very hard
to work out the moral in between.
Between the, you know, two, four, eight, twenty, whatever they are,
people who would be within our intimate circle and the millions and millions
and millions who might be making claims on us.
Analysis: Pass
at Metasystem Stage 12. Participant
describes an ideal system which would integrate the two themes of personal and
social responsibility.
Moral
Reasoning Stage 12 Metasystematic, Step 0 (4)
Participant:
The doctor inevitably gives part of his welfare to patients maybe by subjecting
self to disease by working with a communicable disease pairing. That's part of the effort of helping. Suppose the doctor simply asks for the four
thousand dollars to pay for the drug.
It's hard for me again to see why individually, this doctor is under
this responsibility with this person and why not the same responsibility to
every other poor patient who comes in. I
think the doctor is under an obligation, I would say, to work toward some
system which will make it possible for the people he's seeing to have a
possibility of getting these jobs or getting help. And again, I don't think that he has to
expose his whole welfare and bankbook and family or whatever, to the demands of
individual patients. And I wouldn't know
again where it stopped. to I think that
there are limits to what his sense of responsibility is.
Analysis: Pass at Metasystematic Stage 12 – The
participant describes an ideal system integrating the doctors’ personal moral
responsibility for providing some of her/his patients with free services with
the general responsibility of society for providing medical treatment for all.
Table 1
Order of
Hierarchical Complexity |
Name |
Example |
0 |
Calculatory |
Simple Machine Arithmetic on 0's and 1's |
1 |
Sensory
& Motor |
Either seeing circles, squares, etc. or instead,
touching them. O # |
2 |
Circular
Sensory- Motor |
Reaching and grasping a circle or square. O # |
3 |
Sensory-Motor |
A class of filled in squares may be formed # # # # # |
4 |
Nominal
|
That class may be named, “Squares” |
5 |
Sentential |
The numbers, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 may be said in order |
6 |
Preoperational |
The objects in row 5 may be counted. The last count called 5, five, cinco, etc *
* * * * # # # # # O
O O O O # / "} Q |
7 |
Primary |
There are behaviors that act on such classes that we
call simple arithmetic operations 1
+ 3 = 4 5
+ 15 = 20 5(4)
= 20 5(3) = 15 5(1) =
5 |
8 |
Concrete |
There are behaviors that order the simple arithmetic
behaviors when multiplying a sum by a number.
Such distributive behaviors require the simple arithmetic behavior as
a prerequisite, not just a precursor 5(1 + 3) = 5(1) + 5(3) = 5
+ 15 = 20 |
9 |
Abstract |
All the forms of five in the five rows in the
example are equivalent in value, x = 5.
Forming class based on abstract feature |
10 |
Formal |
The general left hand distributive relation is x * (y + z) = (x * y) + (x * z) |
11 |
Systematic |
The right hand distribution law is not true for
numbers but is true for proportions and sets. x + (y * z) = (x * y) + (x * z) x (y z) = (x y) (x z) |
12 |
Metasystematic |
The system of propositional logic and elementary set
theory are isomorphic x
& (y or z) = (x & y) or (x
& z) Logic x (y z) = (x y) (x z) Sets T(False)
φ Empty set
T(True) Ω
Universal set |
Table 2 Stages described in the Model of Hierarchical
Complexity
Order or Stage |
What they do |
How they do it |
End result |
|
0 |
calculatory |
Exact–no generalization |
Human made program manipulate 0, 1 |
None |
1 |
sensory & motor |
Discriminate in a rote fashion, stimuli
generalization, move |
Move limbs, lips, eyes, head View objects and movement |
Discriminative and conditioned stimuli |
2 |
circular sensory-motor |
Form open-ended classes |
Reach, touch, grab, shake objects, babble |
Open ended classes, phonemes |
3 |
sensory-motor |
Form concepts |
Respond to stimuli in a class successfully |
Morphemes, concepts |
4 |
nominal |
Find relations among concepts Use names |
Use names and other words as successful commands |
Single words: ejaculatives & exclamations,
verbs, nouns, number names, letter names |
5 |
sentential |
Imitate and acquire sequences Follows short sequential acts |
Generalize match-dependent task actions. Chain words |
Pronouns: my, mine, I; yours, you; we, ours; they,
them |
6 |
preoperational |
Make simple deductions Follows lists of sequential
acts Tell stories |
Count random events and objects Combine numbers and simple propositions |
Connectives: as, when, then, why, before; products
of simple operations |
7 |
primary |
Simple logical deduction and empirical rules
involving time sequence Simple
arithmetic |
Adds, subtracts, multiplies, divides, counts,
proves, does series of tasks on own |
Times, places, counts acts, actors, arithmetic
outcome from calculation |
8 |
concrete |
Carry out full arithmetic, form cliques, plan deals |
Does long division, follows complex social rules,
takes and coordinates perspective of other and self |
Interrelations, social events, what happened among
others, reasonable deals, |
9 |
abstract |
Discriminate variables such as Stereotypes; logical
quantification; (none, some, all) |
Form variables out of finite classes Make and quantify propositions |
Variable time, place, act, actor, state, type;
quantifiers (all, none, some);
categorical assertions (e.g. “We all die ") |
10 |
formal |
Argue using empirical or logical evidence Logic is linear, 1 dimensional |
Solve problems with one unknown using algebra, logic
and empiricism |
Relationships are formed out of variables; words:
linear, logical, one dimensional, if then, thus, therefore, because; correct
scientific solutions |
11 |
systematic |
Construct multivariate systems and matrices |
Coordinates more than one variable as input Consider relationships in contexts |
Events and concepts situated in a multivariate
context; systems are formed out of
relations; systems: legal, societal, corporate, economic, national |
12 |
metasystematic |
Construct multi-systems and metasystems out of
disparate systems |
Create supersystems out of systems Compare systems
and perspectives Name properties of systems: e.g. homomorphic, isomorphic,
complete, consistent, commensurable |
Supersystems and metasystems are formed out of
systems of relationships |
13 |
paradigmatic |
Fit metasystems together to form new paradigms |
Synthesize metasystems of |
Paradigms are formed out of multiple metasystems |
14 |
cross-paradigmatic |
Fit paradigms together to form new fields |
Form new fields by crossing paradigms |
New fields are formed out of multiple paradigms |
Table 3 The Model of Hierarchical Complexity and
Skill Theory (Fischer, 1980) have ordered problem-solving tasks of various
kinds, including:
Social perspective-taking Commons & Rodriguez,
1990; 1993) Informed consent Commons & Rodriguez, 1990,
1993). Attachment and Loss Commons, 1991; Miller & Lee,
1998) Workplace organization (Bowman, 1996a; 1996b) Workplace culture (Commons, Krause, Fayer, &
Meaney, 1993) Political development ( Sonnert & Commons, 1994) Leadership before and after crises ( Oliver, 2004) Honesty and Kindness ( Lamborn, Fischer & Pipp, 1994) Relationships ( Cheryl Armon, 1984a, 1984b) Good Work ( Cheryl Armon, 1993) Good Education ( Dawson, 1998) Good interpersonal (Armon, 1990) Views of the “good life” (Armon, 1984c; Danaher,
1993; Dawson, 2000; Lam, 1994) Evaluative reasoning (Dawson, 1998) Epistemology (Kitchener & King, 1990; Kitchener
& Fischer, 1990) Moral Judgment,.Armon & Dawson, 1997; Dawson,
2000) |
Language stages (Commons, et. al., 2004) Writing (DeVos & Commons, unpublished
manuscript) Algebra (Commons, in preparation) Music (Beethoven) (Funk, 1990) Physics tasks (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958) Four Story problem (Commons, Richards & Kuhn,
1982; Kallio & Helkama, 1991) Balance beam and pendulum ( Commons, Goodheart, & Bresette, 1995) Spirituality ( Miller & Cook-Greuter, 2000) Atheism ( Nicholas Commons-Miller, in preparation) Animal stages ( Commons and Miller, in press) Contingencies of reinforcement ( Commons, in preparation) Hominid Empathy ( Commons & Wolfsont, 2002) Hominid Tools Making ( Commons & Miller 2004) Counselor stages ( Lovell, 2004) Loevinger’s Sentence Completion task ( Cook-Greuter, 1990) Informed consent ( Commons, Rodriguez, Cyr, Gutheil et. al., in
preparation) Report patient’s prior crimes ( Commons, Lee, Gutheil, et. al., 1995) Orienteering ( Commons, in preparation) |
Table 3b
(LoCicero, Personal Communication, 2005)
Model of
Hierarchical Complexity |
Kegan Stages |
Kegan Descriptions |
WWK Descriptions |
Womens’
Ways of Knowing Stages |
Stage 9 Abstract |
Stage 3:
Interpersonal |
Able to coordinate own needs and interests with others; unable to
prioritize. |
Distrusts conventional authorities; trusts experience, intuition |
Position
3: Subjective |
Stage 10
Formal |
3-4
Transition |
Shaky sense of self-as-authority, self-sufficiency. |
Beginning to appreciate
objectivity; procedures for sharing and evaluating knowledge. |
3-4
Transition |
Stage 11 Systematic |
Stage 4:
Institutional |
Self-sufficiency, authority. Identification secure. Knows where one
stands. |
Concerned with methods and procedures for obtaining and sharing
knowledge. Interested in objectivity. Learns by doubting game (separate) or
believing game (connected). |
Position 4: Procedural (Separate and Connected) |
|
4-5 Transition |
Sees limits of self-sufficiency. Somewhat aware of isolation. Moving
towards intimacy and directness. |
Beginning to see self and others as creators of
knowledge. |
4-5
Transition |
Stage 12
Meta-systematic |
Stage 5:
Interindivid-ual |
Relates to others directly. Not role-bound. Intimacy. Recognizes
reality as co-constructed and self as continuously created by multiple
relationships. |
Knowledge as situated. Integration of subjective and procedural. Sees self and others as creating and
co-creating knowledge. |
Stage
5: Constructed |
|
|
|
|
|
Table 3c
Table 11.2
Comparative Table of Concorded Theories of Early to
Postformal Stages
Researchers |
Abstract |
Formal |
Systematic |
Meta-systematic |
Paradigmatic |
Cross-Paradigmatic |
Transcen-dental |
Commons & Richards (1984) |
9 (= 4a) |
10 ( = 4b) |
11 ( = 5a) |
12 ( = 5b) |
13 ( = 6a) |
14 ( = 6b) |
|
Sonnert & Commons (1994) |
group |
bureaucratic |
institutional |
universal |
dialogical |
|
|
Inhelder & Piaget (1958) |
formal III-A |
formal III-B |
postformal |
polyvalent
logic; systems of systems |
|
|
|
Fischer, Hand, & Russell (1984) |
7 |
8 |
9 |
10 |
|
|
|
Sternberg
(1984) |
|
first-order
relational reasoning |
|
second-order
relational reasoning |
|
|
|
Kohlberg (1981) |
3 mutuality |
3/4 |
4 social
system |
5 prior rights/ social contract 6 universal ethical principles |
|
|
|
Benack (1994) |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
|
|
|
Pascual-Leone (1983) |
late
concrete |
formal and
late concrete |
pre-dialectical |
dialectical |
|
|
transcendental |
Armon (1984) |
3 affective
mutuality |
3/4 |
4
individuality |
5 autonomy |
|
6
universal categories |
|
Powell (1984) |
early formal |
formal |
stage 4a/
interactive empathy |
category operations
[?] |
|
|
|
Labouvie-Vief (1984) |
|
intra-systematic |
inter-systematic |
autonomous |
|
|
|
Arlin (1984) |
3a low
formal (problem- solving) |
3b high
formal |
4a postformal (problem-finding) |
4b relativism of thought 4c over-generalization, 4d displace-ment of concepts |
4e late
postformal (dialectical) |
|
|
Sinnott (1984) |
|
formal |
relativistic/
relativize systems, metalevel rules |
unified
theory: interpretation of contradict-tory levels |
|
|
|
Basseches (1984) |
phase 1b:
formal early foundations |
phase 2
intermediate dialectical schemes |
phase 3: 2
out of 3 clusters of advanced dialectical schemes |
4. advanced
dialectical thinking |
|
|
|
Koplowitz (1984) |
|
formal |
systems |
general
systems |
|
unitary
concepts |
|
King & Kitchener (2002) |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
|
|
|
Torbert (1994) |
diplomat |
technician |
achiever |
ironist |
|
|
|
Kegan (1994) |
3:interpersonal |
3/4 |
4:
institutional |
5
interindividual |
|
|
|
Loevinger (1998) |
conformist-conscientious |
conscientious |
individualistic |
autonomous
integrated 1 |
|
|
|
Cook-Greuter (1990) |
3/4 |
4 |
4/5 |
5 |
5/6 |
|
6 |
Gray (1999, June, personal comm.) |
early formal |
formal |
systematic |
metasystematic |
|
|
|
Bond (1999, June, personal comm.) |
early formal |
formal |
systematic |
metasystematic |
|
|
|
Dawson (1998) |
9 |
10 |
11 |
12 |
13 |
14 |
|
Kallio (1991, 1995) |
formal 1 |
formal 2 |
formal 3 generalized formal |
postformal |
|
|
|
Demetriou (1990; 1995) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Broughton (1977; 1984) |
3: person vs. inner self |
4. dualist or positivist; cynical, mechanistic |
5. inner observer differentiated from ego |
6. mind & body experiences of an integrated self |
|
|
|
Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger,
Tarule women’s ways of knowing (1997) |
position 3 subjective |
transition |
position 4 procedural separate and connected) |
position 5 constructed |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Part II
Designing Task
Sequences
Michael Lamport
Commons
Part II consists of
two major sections. The first section
covers the analyses and construction of tasks sequences for people who can talk
or read.. The second section covers the
same for other animals.
10/01/2005 12:46:37
53:19:12;06-02-05-20
(Sunday, February 6, 2005; 12:19:53 pm)
55:14:15;16-02-05-20
(Wednesday, February 16, 2005; 3:14:55 pm)
Draft
Section A:
Analysing Tasks and Constructing Tasks Sequences Requiring Talking Or Reading
Constructing
tasks is probably the activity that defines most of the important creative
aspects of a research project. It is one
of the most likely places for creativity to enter. Most people use other people’s measures and
tasks. This is useful if there is a
really adequate tool out there and that it matches the present purposes of the
research. But tasks sequences have much
more face validity and allow for a psychophysical use of Rasch Analysis to
check the adequacy of the task sequence and items therein using the model of
hierarchical complexity The form of the
model of hierarchical complexity used here is from Commons and Pekker,
(submitted;
The idea
for using task sequences was suggested by Kurt W. Fischer (Fischer &
Bidell, 1998; Fischer, Bullock, 1981; Fischer, Knight & Van Parys,
1993). Fischer pointed out that it would
be efficient to have a sequence of tasks, each requiring a given stage. The tasks would then be presented from easy
to hard. One could then determine the
stage of performance with the content in the task by just seeing what was the
highest stage task completed. Two early
sets of task series was created by Commons and Goodheart in the early
1990s. They consisted of the Balance
Beam and the Laundry series of problems.
They were administered by Commons.
Portions of a set of resulting papers were presented by Goodheart,
Dawson, Draney & Commons (1997); Commons, Richards, Trudeau, Dawson, and
Goodheart (1997) and the same authors at The Association for Behavior Analysis
in May 1994 in Atlanta.
The method
of constructing tasks has historically been called bootstrapping. One goes back and forth from what one knows
about the theoretical basis of a task and task sequence and what one knows
about actual performance of an organism.
I just think things through and ask myself what I want to know. In scoring verbal performances, one has to
infer the task that the person is attempting to solve. With task sequences, one just has to know
whether the task was successfully accomplished.
One also should check to make sure the task one order of complexity down
was successfully solved and the task above was not. A Rasch analysis will show if one has made an
error in constructing the items because the rasch scored will not be in the
order predicted by the hierarchical complexity of the tasks.
With
people, I then make an interview that asks directly about the issues I want to
know. I interview just a very few people
trying out various questions to make sure they get at what I am interested in.
one starts with interviews to find out how they answer general questions or one
reads interviews on knowledge collect by others. With animals, observe, watch videos or film
or read accounts. Then think of tasks I
might designs.
For people,
one then looks over the trial questions and the participants answers. One then looks for the most hierarchically
complex ones. If one has a metasystematic
order task then, one reconstructs it into the systems that are coordinated to
form the metasystems, and the relations that form the systems, and the
variables that form the relationships among the variables. One roughly constructs stories with just the concrete
items that are generalized into the variables, and then just containing
variables without any logic or empiricism.
One then tries to build a story that has just one system and maybe one;
their relationship but is missing the second full system. Finally, One builds back up to a story that
has two systems and are
coordinated. Then one goes back to the
same participants and give it to them.
Ask them to write down the reasons for their answers. Revise to make things clearer.
Make up three sets of items, usually 1
item per stage for each set. Use 6
alternative. Then give to about 30
participants and do a Rasch Analysis.
Try to figure out what goes wrong with the items that are out of
sequence or have large infit errors.
Sometimes the items at the ends of the scale have large infit
errors. This is probably OK.
My background in task design grows out of
three traditions, experimental psychology, especially psychophysics, behaviour
analysis, and psychometrics, in particular Rasch (1980)
analysis. There are a few rules. Identify the domain, subdomain and general
task. For example, in the multi-story
ordering problem, the first task designed was the four story problem ( Think through how you want the problems
answered.
1. There
must be the same number of answers for all the different order of hierarchical
complexity problems.
2. Are
you going to have exact answers (multiple choice and ratings) or open ended?
3. Do
you want each exact answer to represent a solution that works at some given
stage?
4. Can
you get the number of stages in the sequence down to 6, because this makes it
easier to do a Rasch analysis?
5. Do you want to use a rating scale? Can you use a scale from 1 to 6? A Rasch analysis will work on rating scales
because participants randomly answer above the stage of their
understanding. They do not show
preferences and do not differentiate among the answers above their stage.
6. Do
not use a ranking scale, however.
7. Make
sure the questions are as
a.
simple
b.
familiar
c.
easy as possible for that order of
complexity.
8. If
one would like to increase variability, do so systematically.
9. Number
the increases in horizontal complexity so that variable can be kept track of.
a.
First,
give the problem a unique number.
b.
Then, after a period, dash or colon, put
the hierarchical complexity number.
c.
Then, put
the horizontal complexity number. This
is for the key, to keep track of what is happening with the different
problems. Carefully try to score the
order of hierarchical complexity of the task.
Then extend down and up in order of hierarchical complexity. Score each task carefully as one creates
them. Is the higher order task a) Defined in terms of the lower order task
actions; b) Does it organize those task actions; Is that organization
non-arbitrary? Extend this test this up
and down two orders. Try them out on a
few participants. How do they do? Are there any anomalies? After correcting the problems, give it to at
least 50 people. Then do a Rasch
Analysis
The structure of adult developmental stage problems
31:28:08;13-01-05-20 (Thursday, January 13, 2005;
8:28:31 am)
The history
of these problem sequences starts with the four story of Commons and Richards ( Commons, Richards & Kuhn, 1982); and Livia
problems of Rodriguez and I had been working
on Selman and Social-Perspective Taking for his Qualifying paper ( Kuhn, Pennington, and Leadbeater
(1983). The four
story problem was at the metasystematic order.
We had produced a sequence of little stories at each stage after Fischer’s
suggestion to have one task per stage.
We then partially illustrated the stages of Social Perspective taking in
High School. This was published as a
response to Moshman in Developmental Review.
For his dissertation, Rodriguez (1993) thought Doctor Patient sequence
with increasing in informed consent would better fit the Program in Psychiatry
and the Law. The sequence had the
following structure which Commons generalized to the laundry and balance beam
problems.
Abstract Order
Start with variable v1, v2, v3,
v4, v5, v6,
These are used at the abstract stage usages
Concrete Order
One may specify the variable producing concrete
instances, events, places, actors, etc
c1, c2, c3, c4, c5,
c6, These being actual
specified events
So the stories or vignette have to have at least 4 of
these elements plus and lead in and outcome.
At the abstract order, these will all be variables and
the values of the variable will make it clear they come from variables
Formal
Now at this order, just one relationship, vnRn
+ 1, is operative although other non-related variables may be present
v1 Rv2, v3, v4, v5,
v6,
Systematic
2 or more relationships between variables which form a
system
v1R1v2, v3R2v4,
v5, v6,
Metasystematic
(v1R1v2) R3(v3R2v4),
v5, v6,
Paradigmatic
Ask them to combine two metasystems. Attempts to combine do not work
The problems do not have a consistent or complete
representation of the Metasystematic
Sections B:
Using Hierarchical Complexity to Create and Analyze Tasks to Compare
Animal Cognition
A scoring manual for scoring task hierarchical
complexity
There is a
great deal of work on how to score the stage of responses to interview on all
manner of things. The Model of
Hierarchical Complexity ( Commons & Pekker, submitted; The Model of Hierarchical
Complexity of tasks allows for the scoring of the tasks themselves rather than
the performances on those tasks. Scoring
a task means to find out its order of hierarchical complexity. It does so by taking the actions and tasks
that machines, animals and humans engage in, and putting them into an order
based upon how hierarchically complex they are.
Using the
axioms (Commons & Pekker, submitted), the order of hierarchical complexity
is obtained by counting the number of coordinations that the action must
perform on each lower order action 1) that it defined in terms of and 2) That
it organizes until one reaches a set of elementary order actions. 3) The organizing of the lower order actions
has to be shown to be non-arbitrary.
This later condition keeps the organizing of action to form just a chain
of behavioral tasks. Also, the
non-arbitrary condition means that the order of lower order actions may match
the requirements of the real world in that manner the higher order task action
will actually accomplish something. It
also suggests that we look into real world actions and what they accomplish to
find to what sequence of actions that a
particular task action might belong (in response to a question of
Meredith Root-Bernstein, Personal communication, January 18, 2005). Order of hierarchical complexity is a equally
spaced ordinal scale. Order of
hierarchical complexity is absolute, and independent of species, particular
task, context and content. Stage of
performance has the same name and number as the corresponding order of
hierarchical complexity of the task it correctly completes.
The reason
one might like to score for their order of hierarchical complexity these tasks
is simple. If the hierarchical
complexity of tasks is known, then becomes possible to compare different
animals and species as to their stage of performance. The process is as follows
1. Find the
highest order of hierarchical complexity of a task a given species of animals
can do. This should be a task that most
favors the animal. Favoring means
training the animal, using a niche, sensory and response modality that favors
the animal.
2. One can then
get not only a profile of that animals strengths but one can see how
inter-correlated those strengths are.
3. One can
compare different animals best performances on the task with the highest order
of hierarchical complexity they can do.
This will yield an interesting metric -- one that
order species by the order of hierarchical of complexity of tasks they
successfully address.
Examples of Finding the Order of Hierarchical
Complexity
A task
supplied by Tony Dickenson (personal communication, March 28, 2004) is scored
next. Dickenson has been conducting
studies involving human (adult and infant), Cebus monkeys and pigeons.
hierarchically organized arrays of up to and including 12 items,
simultaneously displayed on an interactive touch screen. One starts with the most hierarchically
complex task and then breaks that overall task in to subtasks, then breaks the
subtasks into subsubtasks, etc. Later
one examines the task one order above.
The task that roughly matches the way the monkeys do it requires
Preoperational order 6 action. Counting
objects in an array coordinates counting with pointing making it
preoperational. Counting organizes
Sentential order 5 representations by stringing together those representations
in a fixed manner. The representations
of the objects are of the Nominal order 4.
For example, given a sequence of knocks or beeps or flashes of light,
people accurately and quickly tell how many there are, up to five or six ( Dickenson and McGonigle (1996) have shown the monkeys
successfully exhaustively search If the items were randomly organized, the
counting task would be a primary order 7 task.
But it is preoperational (order 6, preoperational) because of the
hierarchically organized arrays. In humans,
placing objects in an order (transitive) would also be at the sentential order
5. The organization goes like this. Placing objects in order 5. Matching the counts to sequenced objects
would be order 6. Doing the same and
keeping track of what has been counted is 7.
Naming the random array that has been counted forms a class that is
names, order 8.
For
pigeons, they are not counting in the sense that was just described. For them, the tasks is subitizing. Subitization is the process of directly
perceiving the number of a collection of items, as distinct from counting. Humans may subsidize up to around seven
objects. For example, if one makes the
objects vary greatly in one or more of the following, size, position, type of
object and density, one can ruin their performance. They are discriminating one or more various
dimensions of the array but not counting.
They may have the concept of amount (not number), which would be
sensory-motor order 3 task.
That can be
either a order 2 (circular sensory motor) task if they are using area or one
order higher (order 3 sensory motor). In
humans, subitizing is usually an order 3 task because small numbers of objects
are directly appreciated as a concept.
At three or
four days, a neonate discriminates between collections of two and three items ( There are certain conditions under which they
distinguish three items from four ( Antell & Keating, 1983). Strauss & Curtis, 1981; This is a sensory or motor order 1 task.
Horizontal Complexity
The
horizontal complexity varies in counting tasks as well in other tasks. Think about how many bits the numbers
represent. Counting to 2 is one bit, 4
is 2 bits, 8 is three bits, 12 is 3.6 bits, 16 is 4 bits, 32 is 5 bits.
Dickenson (personal communication, 2004) says that pigeons typically achieved
with success at 4-5 items, with 2-3 categorical exemplars. Human adults topped out at 25-items, with
young children coping with between 4-9 depending upon their age.
Other Things Affect Task Difficulty
In
comparative animal cognition, one might like to extend the use of hierarchical
complexity and the stage to a variety of tasks. It makes it possible to get a pretty good
profile on how well animals do in various tasks and various niches with various
modalities, sensory and motor. There are
other things that need to be measured as well.
These might include the following:
1) Other forms
of complexity, mainly horizontal complexity
2) How many
pretraining steps, training steps and testing steps are there
3) What kind of
representations are available to the organism.
Do the organisms have to learn the representations or do they already
know them? So familiarity with the
materials has shown to be an extremely important non-hierarchical complexity
predictor of difficulty.
4) Other things
that should be measured have to do with how complex the visual display is. The spacial frequency of the display might be
a variable. Pattern discrimination of
the same order of hierarchical complexity are influence by the spacial
frequence in the patterns to be discriminated.
For
instance, if one gives a problem, like learning how to measure the hierarchical
complexity of tasks, people fail everything but the concrete order tasks. People need actual examples and actual
instances at first. They do not need
actual materials. They can use, but
either do concrete operational participants do not need actual materials, they
need pictures of materials and by the abstract stage they can use descriptions
of materials perfectly well. We have
done a study which we have not analyzed comparing pictures and words in formal
operational tasks and we will know the answer to what the cost is for various
ages because they are all the same stage problem.
Measuring other Forms of Difficultly Using Order of
Hierarchical Complexity as a Benchmark
Lots of the
things studied in animal behavior are same order of hierarchical
complexity. Because there are so many
other ways of making things more difficult, the order of hierarchical
complexity is a very good source for
measuring all these other dimensions of how to make things difficult. One can use order as a metric against which
to measure the other ways. One varies
the amount of the other difficulty producing variable, until it produces a
decrement in performance equivalent to lower the order of complexity by
one. Then one knows that that amount is
the equivalent of one order of hierarchical complexity for that organism in
that situation.
Let us say
one gets, what is true about hierarchical complexity is that the sequence, the
numbers and the properties of the orders of complexity are the same
irrespective of task, content, method, modality, organism or anything. They have nothing to do with the empirical
world. They are analytic truths, but
that does not mean the performances are all identical at all. In fact, the performances should be highly
different in each animal depending on each of the characteristics of the tasks
that do not vary in hierarchical complexity, but hierarchical complexity is so
powerful that when one look across organisms and tasks, it should be, the
prediction is that it should explain the most variance. Let us say one did not know what the task was
and one gave it to an organism, one did not know anything about the organism or
the task or the niche or anything, one randomly selected them from a common set
of tasks, the best predictor would be hierarchical complexity that they can
generally do.
The stage of performances and G
G, The
General Intelligence Factor, is found from applying factor analysis to a set of
performances. Non-primate animals most
often respond successfully to lower orders of hierarchical complexity tasks. They are clearly are more specialized at
solving niche problems than organism that solve higher order tasks. The higher the stage of performance of an
organism, the more likely it is to be able to solve a variety of tasks and one
thing that we find is that social animals generally do better even on
arithmetic tasks than nonsocial animals.
So there is a general G and if I had to guess I would say it has to do
with social communication in a flexible manner.
That the more complex the social communication that that would be the
best measure of G and attempts to look at G in animals in visual spatial tasks
will have a similar history as it does in humans. It does not do very well and obviously a few
things such as assortativeness in insects so that they only mate with their own
kind and so forth would be highly specialized, but most organisms have to solve
that problem of who to mate with and there quite often is in pretty low level
organisms there is competition for mates.
A lot of it is ritualized, but we would get a much better understanding
of what organisms are about if we had these profiles and we could see what kind
of skills hang out with what kind of skills and which ones do not. And we could test these hypotheses, but to me
that is what comparative is and there is at the moment, other than measuring
sensory sensitivities and some very basic kind of sensory and perceptual
processes. That is not really about
cognition, that is about sensory and perception and this is really the only
measure that allows us to compare cognition.
Tasks, Domains and Subdomains
This is
about the pattern and profile of multiple tasks with possible different hierarchical complexity. Now,
in a homo-centered way, the tasks have already been classified as a
visual task or as a spatial task. It
would be good to further break down the domains into subdomains. Empirically, what is needed is test for any
transfer across the tasks. If one gets
better at one task, then is there an improved performance or improved
acquisition on another task. If there
is, then the two tasks are related and they would be functionally in the same
subdomains. What the domains and
subdomains are can vary in different organisms, different niches, different
modalities. Let me give some extreme
examples. Humans do not get to order one,
the discrimination and habituation of ultra violet light or inferred
light. When it comes to many smells,
humans do not get to order one. When
humans have no sensitivity, we do not get even to order one. That part of the profile in a human would show
absolute idiocy.
We are not
ranking organisms per se for each task.
But when we want to compare organisms, one thing that we do is say we
use what is called the maximum rule. **[needs to be edited from here to the
next bracket] We take the maximum complexity
of any task that this animal can do in any domain with any modality. The organism is characterized by the max of
this. That is fair to the organism
because they are not compared in different domains that they do not function
well in. For example, using mice with
something that involves smell and probably spatial would probably a niche that
they normally function very well and flexibly.
One should
characterize a number of things about the tasks. One, one has to choose the simplest version of
the task at a given order of complexity.
For example, if the issue is whether pigeons recognize that pictures
represent objects, one have to make it very simple. One way to make it idiotically simple, is to
put the same frame around the object and the picture so if one show it to a
human being they have a hard time telling them apart. One is sure to get it correctly. But that is a degenerate situation. What one is really asking is how different
can the representation or the picture be from the object ? It is a much more complicated issue. One would not know that unless one had some
sort of model of how one test these things and this is such a model.
Level of Support and the Hierarchical Complexity of a
Task That Can Be Addressed
Seven
levels of support or lack of support that have been identified (
Level 1 of support is imitation, this is widely used
by Fischer ( This consists of showing the animal how to do
the task and then after showing them and they do it, with reinforcement.
Commons,
Miller and Kuhn (1982) presented such material over and over. There was an improvement in performance. There is a
difference in doing it that way. People
work harder, they learn to what to attend.
Inhelder and Piaget (1958) were probably wrong not to
present the problems over and over for at least a few trials with reinforcement
for correct solutions. It is
interesting even just adding reinforcement and practice, but it has to be
reinforcement. It is not enough just to use feedback because we found that was
a disaster with human beings. One should follow good animal behavior rules that
the animals have to be reinforced appropriately and the situations have to be
designed appropriately. One can make
tasks hard in a lot of stupid ways
Level 0 of support is illustrated with formal stage
behavior by
Level -1 is problem finding. So finding out what one needs to do is really
even harder than formal operations.
Starting a Fire Example and Levels of Support
Let us take the task of starting a fire, which
hominids did.
Level 1: Imitating somebody starting a fire. If somebody says I want one to build a fire
and someone else says this is how I start a fire, it would be one level of
support.
Level 0: If one
wants someone to discover how to start a fire, but tells them it is possible
even though that person never saw it done, that person could fool around for a
long time. But it would not be the
simplest instance of a problem because there is a number of steps and a number
of tools that have to be constructed.
For instance, one has to collect tinder if one are using the striking
stone method. So one would first have to
collect tinder and then one would have to have the right stones and then one
would have to hit them together in exactly in the right way to produce a spark
and then one would have to blow on the tinder, have to be able to organize the
fire, the tinder on the bottom, the small sticks next and then the bigger
sticks and one would have to learn.
A simple
formal operational level 0 task would be that if one found fire one could feed
it with wood. This involves trying out
various materials. One would find out
that there are some things burn and others do not. Burning versus not burning is one variable, plant material versus
non-plant material is another. that
stones do not work, sand does not work, wet word barely works, dry wood works
well, small pieces of wood burn easily, big pieces last long, etc. Making a fire is much harder than maintaining
the fire and it is very interesting that humans have evolved to love, to watch
fire. Kids love to build fires and the
fact that it is reinforcing is interesting in and of itself.
We can use
nonverbal sequences that really are very complex, especially things like
starting and maintaining a fire, but by the time fire evolved there already was
some language so we do not know that was the way humans did it, but one could
imagine some other animal doing it, but it already started at a stage higher
than a stage the chimps get to. We could
show that.
The usual
range of support varies from no support, minus one -- having them discover what
the problem
The use and
maintenance of fire can be a nonverbal activity. It could possibly be accomplished by
chimpanzees but it is not. But
making fire is formal order task finding it the first time is a much
more difficult task.
First, no
one understands that fires cook meat and tubers. Finding the problem is -1 level of
support. The task of finding that fire
cooked meat is a lot easier to eat than raw meat is formal order. It requires finding that meat in the fire is
more tender and meat out of the fire is not.
Finding meat that is tender is reinforcing. More of the meat in a carcass may be
eaten. It is easier to get off of the
animal. The first hominid would have to
discover the utility of fire, keeping themselves warm, cooking meat. Then one might figure out that cooking
certain tubers makes them edible whereas before they are not. That way hominids with fire have a much wider
supply of food. It also means one they
do not need such a large stomach because cooked tubers and meat do not require
as huge a stomach as uncooked tubers and meat do to digest. The higher the caloric value of the food, it
can support a bigger brain, it can require less effort and social animals tend
to have higher values of caloric food than non-social animals. But there are solitary animals like bears
that fish and eat incredibly high caloric food.
They actually skin and only eat the skin of the fish, not even the meat
when they are very plentiful.
Developing
an explanation of why cooking food entailed even less support.
For Every Task, There Are a Number of Sequences.
Meredith Root-Bernstein (Personal
communication, January 18, 2005) in Kacelnik laboratory presents an interesting
example. Consider the end task of making
a spider web. The important lesson here
is that one must construct the task sequence, not just the end task. For a human and for a spider, the end looks
somewhat similar. But the task belongs
to two entirely different sequences. The
human probably cannot make a spider web with a tool dispensing the web material
until they perform at the concrete stage.
For the human, it is a complex task.
They have to understand the structure of the web – that it has axle arms
connected by straight connectors between the arms. They have to start the tool at the arm and
stop it at the next. This is somewhat
akin to model car and airplane making.
But for the spider, this is just a circular sensory motor order 2
task. All they have to do is squirt the
suff out of the correct spinaret at the back (an sensory or motor order 1 task)
and coordinate it with making sure the tension is constant, using their legs to
gauge that tension (a second order 1 sensory or motor task). The web silk is made inside the spider and
comes out of a spinaret at the back of the spider. This is an organ that makes
the protein come out in thin fibers. It
just has to coordinate the squirting of the sild with the tension the gauge
between their legs. They start their web
by sending out a thread that floats in the air until it sticks to a branch or
leaf. Then more thread that sticks to other branches and also goes from the
center to the sides. They keep spinning around and around in circles. Soon
after, The flat round web is finished.
Preliminary analysis and scoring the crow example
Weir, Chappell & Kacelnik (2002) observed New
Caledonian crows performing what will be shown to be a Preoperational order 6
action. The way sequences are built, is
from the top down. So the preoperational
actions has to organize two sequences.
Each of the sequences has to organized in a different manner the same or
different elements from the nominal.
At the Preoperational order, the crows have to
coordinate two sentential order 5 sequences of action that finally result in
the crow using a bent wire to obtain food from a crooked clear plastic tube.
The first Sentential order 5 straight-wire tool-use
sequence consists of action steps: 1, 2,
3, 4, N
The second Sentential order 5 bent-wire tool-making
sequence consists of action steps: 1, 2,
3, 4, K
Many birds pick up twigs. They also weave their nests with twigs. These require circular sensory-motor actions
if they do not need a concept of a nest to do it. Instead of a concept of a nest, there is
something that guides the process.
Pre actions – Where does this fit in? What sequence does this belong to? Is it necessary or just sufficient?
I. The first
Sentential order tool use sequence consists of two Nominal order
4 representations. The “template” or
representations are the nominal order
names.
A. The first
Nominal action is that Crows have to represent that sticking wire in the tube to
get the food.
1. The first
concept is that stinking stick like things into cavities to get at things. [Where two instances of concept are there
here? ]
Normally pecking at food obtains it (Circular Sensory
Motor). Pecking at the food in the tube
does not obtain the food (Circular Sensory Motor). Sticking their beak down the tube fails
also (Circular Sensory Motor). Failing at obtaining the food in a tube,
leads to seeing that an extension of their own beak is needed (Nominal). They might have to visualize the wire as an
extension of their beak. (Nominal order 4).
This picturing of an extension is a representation at the nominal stage.
B. The second
Nominal action is that the crow must see that the wire might poke the food out
of the tube. That is, the crow needs to
form a representation of the wire as a pusher of food out of the tube.
(Nominal) They do not have practice
doing that.
But seeing the food in the tube would not lead them
poke with out without a representation at the nominal order 4 of some sort.
Distinguishing putting a stick into a tube to push out
food from other tool use actions (putting a different stick into a hole to push
out something from there) is the same as naming the two different tool use
actions.]
Crows stick sticks and other things into a tube
(circular sensory motor, order 2)
Crows pick up straight wires or sticks (circular
sensory motor, order 2)
Crows see food in a clear plastic tube. (Sensory or
motor)
Crows peck at objects with their beaks (Sensory or
motor)
II. The second tool
making sentential order sequence also consists of two nominal order 4
representations.
A. The first
nominal order actions is seeing that using a straight wire failed because of
the bend in the tube – straight wires do
not go around bends. They form a picture
of the bend in the tube and a picture of the straight wire.
B. The second
nominal order actions is that the crow then forms a representation or template
for the bend in the tube. From the
representation of the bend in the tube, the crow then bends a wire.
Sentential order 5 They are
substep 3,
Sticking it into the tube,
substep 4.
Pushing wire around a curve, and
substep 5.
Reaching the food and getting it
3. Sticking it
into the tube;
4. Pushing wire
around a curve;
5. Reaching the
food and getting it.
So it is not a concept that has been formed by trial
and error. (Sensory Motor)
The first sentential order 5 tool use sequence of
actions then consists of substeps: 1, 2,
3, 4.
Maybe trying to get the food with the beak (subsubstep
1)
Failing leads to, seeing that an extension is needed
(nominal).
Picking up a straight wire or stick (circular sensory
motor, order 2)
Sticking it into a tube (circular sensory motor, order
2)
Push the food out of the tube (circular sensory motor,
order 2) producing a concept at sensory motor order 3.
How to Construct a Task at the Next order of
Complexity.
Let us say
one have a ordered complexity task and I have advised people tests, where the
testing one above and they are not pushing the organism, if the organism can do
one above, they have to do two above until the organism fails to do the task.
To make sure that one is in the right sequence and things are not weird, one do
one below. So one do one above and one
below. And they better fail the top
one.
One can
really write up a profile and of course, much of this work has already been
done and what we need to do is to mine it.
One way one make tasks more complex, is one ask organisms to reflect on
the task. Let us say there subitizing
how many pellets they get. One can ask
them to tell 5 from 6 and that has been done, one can go 7 from 8 and one can
try different spacing and one can have a whole thing. That would be a first ordered test. Are these
tests more about whether things, what rule they are using, Brannon ( Let us say one are doing arithmetic and there
are two rules either multiply or add and if one wanted to do a very simple
concrete task one would ask them, one would ask them very simply a left press
would mean I am doing addition, a right press would mean I am doing
multiplication. And since they are
reflecting on the operation that is a concrete task.
Variability of stage of performance and stage
One would
expect that the variability in organisms that do not get to very high levels of
order of complexity is very low. The
variability should be across tasks of different sorts and of tasks with
different modalities and different sensory systems
Today is 3-27-2004.
Driving from Melbourne Florida to Orlando Airport.
Multisystems
Tasks
Michael
Lamport Commons and Francis Asbury Richards
For Educational Purposes
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